New Theory on Angkor, Who were the last Varman kings? Options

[SEAhistory]

INTRODUCTION
In regard to the Han Chinese, the decline of the Kambojan Empire and the shift of its epicenter to the South left the mainland as the breeding ground of the Cham aristocrats. With the support of the Han court, the Cham king Ajiraja expanded his control over the mainland of Indochina at the expense of the Kamboja Empire. During the set back, the immediate descendants of King Hun-tien stayed in background and left the control of Funan to a local general who ruled the Empire under the name of Sri mate Sri Man Dhamaraja. According to Chinese texts, Sri Man soon launched his own campaign to consolidate back the Funan Empire. His death however ended the campaign and Funan returned back to the anarchy. During the crisis, two factions emerged to fight for the throne of Funan. Taking the opportunity, Kiao-tche requested the Han' s support and made its move into Prey-Nokor. Just as the native court of Prey-Nokor was about to succumb, circumstances changed. As we had argued, the decline of the Gupta Empire contributed to the new politic of Southeast Asia. The arrival of the exiled prince Kaundinya from Magadha at the beginning of the fourth Century, brought a new vigor to the Kamara world. At the start, he found supports from the people allowing him to establish his exile court at Lavo (Pan-pan in Chinese texts). After the fight with the Cham king broke out, Kaundinya moved his court to Prey-Nokor where he erected his very first inscription at Vo-canh. During this early formation of Nokor Khmer, evidences show that Kaundinya managed to stay in good term with the former Kamboj court of Funan. The alliance was however not strong enough for the Kamboj King to side with him during the next showdown with Kiao Tche. Backed by the Han court, the new governor of Kiao-tche conducted expeditions against Prey-Nokor that left the Khmer Kingdom in shamble (Prey Nokor: The Thong Dynasty: Yang Mah II).
The alliance between the Khmer and the Kambojan court
During the attack by Tan-ho-che, the new Khmer Kingdom suffered severe destruction (Prey Nokor: The cradle of Nokor Khmer: The tale of the two cities). After the assault, Kaundinya (Yang Mah) went back to restore Prey-Nokor but it is clear that his court could no longer stand on its own feet to face new Chinese attacks. It might be the reason that why he later moved the capital of the Khmer Kingdom to Ba Phnom (Prey Nokor: The cradle of Nokor Khmer: The Kun Lun Kingdom). However, a new series of events unexpectedly happened and contributed to the next development of Nokor Khmer. The decline of the Gupta Empire, for instance, would reenforce the Kaundinya court with more brain powers, as evidences show that imminent Indian scholars and other members of the Gupta court came to join Kaundinya at Prey-Nokor. They brought along Indian disciplines, one of which was Hinayana Buddhism to be implanted in the new Kingdom. With all these new reenforcement, Kaundinya was able to rebuild Prey-Nokor quickly that paved the way to the growing of Nokor Khmer. A new era had been started as Kaundinya ' s new audacity brought the Indian Culture to the Kamara world of Kambojadesa. These Indian legacies were noticeable at first but soon faded away in blending themselves into local ingenuity to form a new wave of the Khmer Culture. It was a new development that was going to shape up once again the history of Southeast Asia. Since it was started at Prey Nokor at the heart of Nokor Khmer, we shall call it the Khmerization.
THE KHMERIZATION OF KAMBOJA
As quoted in the Khmer tradition, Kaundinya's effort to launch the Khmer Empire might never been complete without two other critical events. Traditionally seen as the catalyst of the expansion of the Khmer Kingdom, the marriage between Prah Thong and the daughter of the KambojNaga King was followed by the drying of Cambodia. Because of their historical importance, it is expected that the two events were widely remembered. In supporting the oral tradition, inscriptions commemorated the first event more or less in connection to next formation of the Khmer royal house. Two inscriptions, in particular, one found at Mi-son (Champapura) of Prey Nokor and another found at the temple of Backsei Cham Krong at the heart of Angkor, recalled the legendary marriage as the birth of two new generations of Khmer Dynasties.
The wedding of Prah Thong and the Nagi Princess
Either politically motivated or propelled by true romance, the marriage came at the right moment and soon became the start of a new consortium between the Kamboja and the Khmer courts. Undeniably, the marriage strengthened the alliance of the two powerhouses into a pact that withstood against the Han Chinese ever since. According to the Khmer tradition, it started with a sweet encounter (RPNK: The Nagi Kumari).
One day, Prah Thong with all his personal bodyguards (maha talik) rode his horse across the sand dune to amuse himself at the island of Kauk Tloak. Late in the afternoon the high tide prevented him to go back and decided to stay at the island. Late at night, the teenage (kumari) Nagi who was the daughter of the Naga King, transforming herself into a nymph along with her entourage, came to play on the sand dune.
The fact that the Nagi Princess came without a big escort to amuse herself at the island at night indicates that the island was safe and was not far from her domain (Notes: Angkorpuri). There, she met Prah Thong stuck at the middle of the island by the high tide. Theirs encounter soon leaded to a romantic courtship that ended with a marriage proposal.
Prah Thong, on seeing the teenage Nagi so beautiful, was immediately falling in love. He then tried to engage her in a courtship. As he tried to seduce her she suggested him to meet with her parents in the next 7 days to ask for her hand.
After all have been agreed upon, they went back to their places and proceeded to carry on theirs plan.
The Nagi, with all her entourage, returned back to her kingdom. At the low tide, Prah Thong rode back along with all his entourage. At the 7th day, after preparing all his tribute, he put on his royal dress and rode his horse along with his personal entourage to the island of Kauk Tloak.
The rest of the story is about the marriage arrangement which according to the khmer tradition was taking place right at the island of Kauk Tloak.
The teenage Nagi princess, the daughter of the Naga King, arriving at the Naga Kingdom, informed her parents of her encounter. They happily consented to the proposition. At the 7th day, the Naga King made his way to the island of kauk Tloak along with his queen, the royal family, and all his entourage. The Naga King, after a cordial meeting, proceeded to hand his daughter to Prah Thong.
The Naga King then built palaces right at the place that the two met and the marriage was conducted under the merry sound of music on the island of Kauk Tloak. The wedding ended with the Nagi Princess leading her groom back to the naga ream under water. Prah Thong who was just a human-being had to hold on tight to her scarf for not being lost and drown along the watery way. The Khmer traditional wedding ceremony recreates the event by having the groom following his bride to her room, holding on to the end of her scarf, the same way that the Nagi leaded her prince to the realm of the Naga Kingdom.
The new era of the Khmer Empire
After the wedding, it is clear that the Kambojan king' s big preoccupation was to prepare the country for his son in law. At first, he built a kingdom out of the submerged land surrounding the island of Kauk Tloak and handed it over to the new couple. As mentioned in the next paragraph, the Naga King proceeded to build a palace right at the island of Kauk Tloak. He started by draining the region and built facilities for the wedding's ceremony.
He (the Naga King) then proceeded to empty the sea and create a kingdom (nokor) with palaces of 3 seasons, for the new couple. He then proceeded the wedding under the merry sound of drum, pipa, and gongs.
Trace of water works had been found around Angkorpuri where tradition strongly attributes to the settlement of the new royal couple. At the same time, Chinese texts started to mention about the city of "Po-li" and some time "Lo-tsa" which scholars attribute as the capital of Kaundinya (DICI: Le Funan et les theories de M. Aymonier). The combined word "Lo-tsa-po-li" was exactly the Chinese transcription of Rajapuri that we shall identify as no later as Angapuri. Etymologically, Angkorpuri that is the corruption of Angapuri (Anga-puri), means the city of Anga or Raja that matches exactly the "Lo-tsa-po-li" of the Chinese text. Some vestiges left behind verify that Angkorpuri had been once a city or the capital of the Kambojan King before it was handed over to Kaundinya. At the location, still stands a small stone temple, apparently of Kambojan style, which retained its name as the Asram of Maharishi. The temple might have been a dedication to the memory of the Kamboj Naga King Kambu who, according to the inscription of Baksey Cham Krong, was memorized as the rishi rkkasomakulasangatim. After the wedding, Prah Thong was crowned to be the sole sovereign of a united country named as "Nokor Krong Kamboja Thibti".
And Prah Thong resumed his kingship under the name of Prah Bat Devavamsa the Mighty, having nang Nagi as his queen. He named his kingdom the great Kamboja kingdom (Nokor Krong Kamboja Thibti) having naga as well as human officials to serve him. (RPNK: The Nagi Kumari)
The passage indicates how the Naga and human consortium had been formed during the formation of Nokor Khmer. Beside the Khmer Kingdom of Prey Nokor, Prah Thong now also ruled the Kambojan Kingdom handed over as present from his father-in-law. It is interesting to note that the name of Kamboja, a legacy of the Kamboj Naga King, was still retained for his new kingdom and that his court was composed of both Kambu naga as well as human officials.
The proto-Mon Civilzation
After the Khmerization of Kambojadesa, Sri Dharmaraja lost it Naga's legacy and became politically part of the Khmer establishment of Lavo. It explains why there are no more mentioning of the naga King Bhagadatta in the Inscription of Ayudhya. At the same time, we had argued that the Menam Valley was then the seat of Hinayana Buddhism. Artifacts found presented common feature of Indian origin from the Gupta court.
No ones of the statues found in Siam territory was dated but some indices and certain features allow us to attribute to them an anterior date, close to those of their Indian prototypes. (IDCL: Le Royaume de Dvaravati: P.2)
They were in fact legacies of the settlement of the first Kaundinya in the region right after his arrival from India. Other vestiges, found around Lavo already presented Khmer feature that attest the settlement of Jayavarm Kaundinya court at the upper Menam Valley.
The most ancient monuments of Labapuri were not dated beyond the Khmer era. At the mean time, we found at the same city (at Vat Mahadhat) or around the area (Vat Khoy), standing images of Buddha that had no characteristic of Khmer statues, and appeared to be of an anterior art. One of them has an inscription Sanskrit in character analogue to the more ancient Cambodian character (Inscr. No. XVIII). It is surely Mon, and of Mon archaic, that was engraved on a pillar octagonal of cubic top decorated from Labapuri (No XVIII). (IDCL: The Kingdom of Dvaravati)
Since the Language used was Mon, these legacies were though as of Mon origin. Many more inscriptions were found in old Mon language attesting the predominance of the Mon Language at the region. From these findings, scholars were quick to postulate that the Dvaravati' s culture was of the Mon people. The association is however contradicting to the Mon' s tradition of locating the origin of their identity at Tathon and not at the Menam Valley. Looking closely, the inscriptions of the old Mon Language that were dated from the era used the same scripture in Khmer Inscription of Han-chey, known as the ancient Khmer scripture. On the other hand the language of the inscriptions that scholars attributed as the old Mon Language was in fact a derivative of the Kamara Language under the influence of the Kamboj legacy, another ancestor of both the modern Khmer and Mon cultures.
MAHIDHARA AS THE SEAT OF SRI DHARMARAJA
The settlement of Kaundinya in the ream of Kambojdesa resulted in both political and cultural change in the Naga Country. Scholars agreed that it was here that the Mons got their culture and identity. As mentioned in Khmer tradition, naga and human court officials served in the Kaundinya court. Undeniably Sri Dharmaraja still retained its strong Naga legacies that stayed still many centuries later (The Construction of Angkor Wat: Moha Nokor: The Siam Kut). Even though Sri Dharmaraja became the spreading ground of Buddhism since the visit of Buddha Gautama and later of the Ashoka court, concrete evidences of Buddhist practices had to wait until the arrival of Kaundinya from Magadha. By the late fourth century, traces of Hinayana Buddhism already attest the transition from the Naga Culture into the substantially Buddhist Khmer.
Langkasuka as the ream of the Naga King
The history of the Liang (502-56) dates the existence of Lang-ya-hsiu more than 400 years ago, right before the time of Kang Tai and Chu Ying visiting Funan. The dating would set the existence (or a new formation) of Lang-ya-hsiu around the Christian era, during the reign of King Hun-tien or one of his sons. The kingdom is no doubt the Langkasuka of the Malay and Javanese Chronicles that survives in modern time as the name of a tributary to an upper reach of the Perak River. It must to be situated astride the peninsula and have had access to both the Gulf of Siam in the Pattani region and the Bay of Bengal, north of Kedah. As its name implies, Langkasuka appears to be a cultural relay of Buddhism from Ceylon. That could be an indication that King Hun-tien' s origin, mentioned in Chinese text as the Kingdom of Kia, was Ceylan itself. Hiuan-tsang, however, had already made it clear that no Buddhist practice was noticed at the south of the Malay Peninsular. At the contrary, unearthed vestiges prove that the Buddhist tradition of Southeast Asia took a boost at Langkasuka, after the arrival of Kaundinya. Buddha' s images of Gupta style, founded at Kedah and dated to be around the 4th to 5th century, prove the existence of Hinayana Buddhism of the Gupta origin. Evidences show however that Langkasuka was not only restricted to Ligor, but covered-up a big part of the southern Menam Valley also. The Chinese text mentioned about a ruler of Lang-ya-hsu (Langkasuka) with a name of Chinese transcription of "Bhagadatta" sending an embassy to the Chinese court around 515. By naming analogy, he was related to the ruler of the Gucha Nagapura with the title of Bhagadatta mentioned in the inscription of Ayudhya. As the inscription was found at the ancient city of Ayudhya, Gucha Nagapura was undoubtedly the capital of Kamboja and was the precursor of Ayudhya. This legacy of Bhagadatta dated long before the formation of the Funan Empire and extended deeper in the past before the Christian era. In correlation to the Mon tradition, the Menam Valley was the seat of Buddhism since the visit of Buddha Gautama. From these legacies, we are confident enough to identify that langkasuka was actually the center of the Nagadvipa as mentioned in many Buddhist chronicle. To Hiuan-tsang, the legacy of Langkasuka as an important Buddhist cultural center of the Menam Valley was in contrast to the Malay Archipelago where only Hindu Brahmans were found. What the Dvipavamsa was referring to Langka where Buddha had made several trips to, was undoubtedly Langkasuka of the Menam Valley. The legacy of Langkasuka at the Menam Valley however, was seen next moving south due to the dynamic of the sea trade. After the setback during the fall of the Kushan Empire, the sea trade between the West and the East was once again in full bloom. Under the control of the Huns, the trade between China and the West through the silk route was never been safe and all transport was now virtually conducted through the sea route. The inscription leaves a long elapse time until the next ruler is mentioned which indicates that the Kamboj king had already moved his court southward into the Malay Archipelago. Evidences show that Kedah as well as Sumatra became now two major commanding posts of the Cambojnaga King while the whole of Indochina was left to Kaundinya.
The Naga King' s move to Ganthari
The Chinese word "Kan-to-li" is the transcription of "Ganthari", a reference to Ganthara. A legacy of the western Kambojan State, located at Afganisthan of today, Ganthara might have been implanted in the Malay Archipelago after the arrival of King Hun-tien. However, its existence as mentioned in the Chinese records was dated later in the early sixth century. It is suggesting that more of the western Kambojan aristocratic figures had moved in the court of the Naga King and, as we shall see, transformed it later into the Sri Vijayan court. The history of the Leang (502-556) provides the first description of Kan-to-li that stress out the legacy of the Funan culture.
The country of Kan-to-li was located on an island of the south sea. Its tradition and culture were the same as at Funan. Its produce cloths of multiple colors, cotton, betel nuts with excellent quality and better than other countries. Under the reign of emperor Hia-wou(454-454) of the first Song Dynasty, the king of this country Che-po-lo-na-lien-to (Sri varanarendra) sent a high functionary named Tchou-Liou-Ta (Indian Rudra) to hand high value tributes in gold and silver. (JA 1919:Le Kun-Lun et les anciennes navigations, Gabriel Ferrand)
The passage indicates that after 502, Ganthari had already moved to an island of the south. Hoping for a lucrative sea trade, the king of Ganthari had engaged in diplomacy with China which, as their ancestors had done before, started with tributes. It was the start-up of the Sri Vijaya maritime power that was going to play important role in the history of the South China Sea.
In the first year tien-kieu of the Leang dynasty (502), the eight of the fourth moon, the king Kiu-tan-sious-pa-ta-la dreamed that a monk says to him " The reigning king of China is a saint and in ten years Buddhism will be expanded in his kingdom. Sent him embassy, offer him tributes, and the prosperity would bloom in your kingdom where foreign merchants would affluent in all part. If you don't agree, you would be sorry. As time passed, the king died and his son Pi-yr-pa-mo (Vijayavarman) succeeded him. In 519, the latter sent a high functionary named Pi-yuan-pa-mo remitting the conceived letter. In 520, the same king sent a new embassy remitting as tribute, products of the country.
The use of the word "pa-mo" or "varman" in the coronation title in the tradition of Ganthari reveals the Kamboj style of kingship. Judging from an inscription that was found at Kotei and score of other vestiges, Borneo could be the Kan-ta-li Island of the Chinese text. The inscription (History of Indonesia: The inscriptions, B. R. Chatterji) commemorates king Mulawarman, apparently reigning at Kotei. His lineage was traced back to the legendary Kandanga and his son Asvavarman who was the same legendary Asvatthaman, son of Drona, mentioned in the inscription of Mi-son. His ancestor Kandanga (Kanda-anga), the Anga King of Kanda, as we shall see, was no other than the Naga King, father-in-law of Kaundinya Jayavarman. More evidences however prove that the settlement of Kandanga at Kotei was more likely done after the attack of the Chenla King Bhavavarman I at Khedah or Ligor (The Chenla Empire: The Chenla Brotherhood: The leader of the Chenla' s pact). Before driven down to Kotei, Kandanga must to stay at Kedah and Kanthori must to be the same as Mahidhara in the bay of Bandong. It was then that the new history of the Tang mentions about the capital of Funan, To-mou, being subjugated by Chenla.
(the king) had his capital at the city of To-mou. Suddently his city was destroyed by the Tchen-la, forcing him to escape to the south to the city of Na-fou-na.(FUNAN: P. 274)
We shall identify To-mou or To-mo-chang of the Chinese text to be Mahidhara at the Kedah mountain, as the new capital of Sri Vijayan country of Ganthari (The Chenla Empire: The Chenla brotherhood: The leader of the Chenla' s pact).
The formation of Lavo
Unlike his predecessors who left many inscriptions commemorating their control over Champapura and Prey-Nokor, Kaundinya left no inscriptions in his new capital at Angkorpuri. This was due perhaps to the fact that he would soon have to move his court to Lavo. If there were no records in Chinese sources, we would not know that he was eventually ascending the Funan or the Kambojan throne under the crown title of Jayavarman. As we recalled back, Lavo was a major city or the capital of the Kambojan Empire since the reign of Shrestavarman. According to the new history of the Tang, Pan-pan was located at northern border of Lang-ya-siou (Langkasuka) and was next to Cho-pa, only separated by a small sea (Notes: The location of Pan-pan). In this case, the Chinese reference of Cho-pa was specifically referring to Java (Notes: Cho-pa as Champapura or Java). Chinese sources also mention that the first Kaundinya settled at Pan-Pan. Perhaps as a vassal of Funan, the first Kaudinya built the Khmer Kingdom at Lavo, while his father Chandraaditya was then in control of Funan (Prey Nokor: The Thong Dynasty: Yang Mah I). The vestiges that he left behind in the Menam Valley were what scholars mistook as of Mon legacies. Noticeably Indian, the vestiges were proofs of the early Indianization of the Mainland Indochina by Kaundinya. After warding off the Cham King of Champapura, he moved his court to Prey-Nokor. In a full circle, Kaundinya Jayavarman and his Khmer court was seen taking control over all the Menam Valley again. After the marriage with the Nagi princess, Kaundinya Jayavarman had to settle his court at Lavo and to consolidate the Kambojan Kingdom received from the Naga King. From the inscription of Mi-son (BEFEO: Notes d'epigrahie: Les inscriptions de Mi-son, By M. L. Finot), we know that Asvatthaman who was no other than the father-in-law of Kaundinya, gave the latter the lance to mark his territory.
[ It was there at Bhavabura that] Kaundinya, the Bhrahmanic bull, the lance given to him by the immenent Brahman Asvattaman, son of Drona.
We shall identify Bhavapura as no other than Lavo that was taken later by the Chenla King Bhavavarman. During the fight against Funan, Bhavavarman took over the city and gave it the name of Bhavapura (Dvaravati: The Chenla conquest: Bhavapura as the birthplace of the Santhap-amarindra 's dynasty). Seating between Xiang-mai and Langkasuka, Lavo had strong lagacy of Buddhism that was implanted in the two regions since the visit of Buddha Gautama. The settlement of Kaundinya at Lavo would strenghten even more the Buddhist tradition of the northern Siam country that stayed still until today.
THE KRAKATOA'S ERUPTION
Among the causes that migh be counted as the manifestation of the Naga King, the Krakatoa eruption was on top of the list. Concrete proof has yet to be established but many indications already point to the same conclusion. It is well known that Krakatoa was the seat of strong volcanic activities very much active and still are, since the early of time. Many records not only witness its eruption but also its strong impact on the lanscape of Southeast Asia that stayed until today. The only discrepency between them was the exact time of the eruption that could be also not a single event but a series of prolonged eruptions.
The eruption (or eruptions)
Due to its strong impact on humanity, Krakatoa induced many scholars to spend time studying both its eruption and its evironmental effect on a global scale of catastrophic phenomenom (CATA: The Big Bang). The first account about the eruption could be found in the Indonesian book of kings. According to the record, the eruption occurred in the early part of the fifth century and created great disasters as well as completely changed the landscape of the region.
The whole world was greatly shaken and violent thunder accompanied by heavy rain and storms took place, but not only this heavy rain extinguishes the eruption of the fire of the mountain but augmented the fire. The noise was fearful, at last the mountain with a tremendous roar burst into pieces and sank into the deep of the earth. The water of the sea rose and inundated the country to the east of the mountain Batuwara, to the mountain Basa, was inundated by the sea; the inhabitants of the northern the Sunda country to the mountain Raja Basa were drowned and swept away with all property.
According to the same book, the eruption occurred in 416, however Scientific method used by a group of scholars, on the other hand dates its effect far later in 536 which set the base on its disastrous post-effect of global changes. Based on its effect of drying-up Cambodia soon after the reign of Jayavarman Kaundinya in 485, there must to be other explosions after its first eruption. The Burmese tradition had a short account reporting that this last event happened during the late reign of king Mokhakaman.
When Mokhkaman was about to die, a shower of gravel fell. (The Glass Palace Chronicle, Translated by Pe Maung Tin and G. h. Luce)
Since the shower of gravel is only happening during the eruption of a volcano due to the falling of the Volcano's ashes, the event was undoubtedly due to the last explosion of Krakatoa. According to the text, it happened during the last half of the fifth century that agrees with the khmer tradition about the drying of Cambodia after the wedding of Prah Thong. Despite the difference in dating the eruption or eruptions, all sources agree on its tremendous effect in both local and worldwide impact. Politically and economically, we shall see that its effect was specifically crucial to the next shaping events during the formation of Nokor Khmer.
The geographic impact
The eruption of Krakatoa that could be felt far away in the mainland to the Chinese continent obviously had geographical impacts affecting the political and economical changes of the region. First, the elevation of the Southeast Asian tectonic plate which resulted in the drying of Cambodia, provided the Khmer Empire more territory to colonize. Not long ago, Chinese sources stressed out that the Kun-lun Kingdom was basically formed as confederation of a group of islands (Prey Nokor: The cradle of Nokor Khmer: The Kun-lun Kingdom). The history of the southern Tsi (479-501), describing the geographical setting of Funan at the time, indicates clearly that during the reign of Jayavarman Kaundinya, Funan or Kamboja was still located in a bay.
The kingdom of Funan is at the south of Je-nan and is located in a bay west of the grand (China) sea.
The statement agrees with other Chinese records that Funan and later the Kun-lun (Khmer) Kingdom was formed on a group of islands (Prey Nokor: The Cradle of Nokor Khmer: The Kun Lun Kingdom). Less than two centuries later when I-tsing visited the same place, he mentioned in his record that Ba Phnom (Poh-nan) was not an island anymore.
This region (Poh-nan) is the south corner of Gambudvipa (Kambudvipa?), and is not one of the islands of the sea.
Ba Phnom was identified to be the capital of Funan and was part of a group of islands that form Funan when it was submerged. I-tsing' s comment confirms the drying of Funan (Cambodia) that, according to the Khmer tradition, was done through the divine manifestation of the Naga King. Superstitious as it may be, the topological change of this magnitude could not be the work of a human being. It was in high probability the eruption of Krakatoa, the volcano of the southern Indonesia archipelago that carried on the work of Naga King (Notes: The drying of Cambodia). More study might confirm that it was the elevation of Southeast Asian portion of the Euro-Asian tectonic plate that caused the drying of the delta regions of both the Mekong and Menam rivers. Needless to say, other lowland basins were also formed at the same time allowing mass development of new Kamara communities along the deltas of the Menam and the Irrawadi Valleys. That was when Chinese historians recorded the sprung up of the Kun-lun culture spreading all around Southeast Asia.
The economic impact
Evidences show that while Europe suffered a period of dark age right after the eruption, Southeast Asia did not suffer the same fate. The geographic change obviously created obstacles for the sea route along the coastal line of the mainland and impacted its economy. Before the eruption, the isthmus of Kra must be a lot smaller or even completely submerged which facilitated the northern sea route to pass through without major problems. Along with the rest of the Malay archilelago, the isthmus became the size of today which created serious obstacle to the transport of merchandise through the northern sea route. Archeology confirms that the seaport Oc-eo ceased to retain its activity of the past as the new sea route totally made a detour out of its vicinity. On the other hand, the eruption established a new route at the south that proved to be a good catalyst for the futur of Southeast Asia sea trading. From the collapse of the land, Krakatoa created the strait of Mallaca that enabled ships to pass through and created the southern sea route to bypass altogether the northern coastal line of the mainland Indochina. Now ships from the West could pass through the strait of Mallaka in direct destination to China. The Kamboja kings who already mastered the South China Sea would not let that opportunity to pass by, and they had all the means to succeed in their venture. This time around, he would concentrate on the latest commercial development taken place after the eruption. The move allowed them to take full advantage of the new southern sea route that leaded to the revival of the Sri Vijaya Empire, later in the history of Southeast Asia. Moving his court further south to the Malay Archipelago, the Naga King left the mainland to his son-in-law to expand his Kingdom. In addition to the availability of new dried lands, the Khmer Kingdom was now positioned itself to become the next power house of Southeast Asia. Prey-Nokor that was the birth place of the Khmer Kingdom became later an important seaport that served as midway-relay for their long journey from the strait of Mallaka to the southern coastal shore of China. Looking to control the sea trade route, the Angkorian court would set Prey-Nokor as one of its important cardinal state that scholars mistook its maneuvering as a hash policy against neighboring Champapura.
THE SIAM COUNTRY
Along with the availability of new dried lands at the basin of the menam Valley, the Khmer court of Kaundinya made its move to establish the Khmer control over the rest of the Siam country. Lavo that was known in Chinese texts as Pan Pan, became now the seat of the Khmer Empire. In an effort of promoting Hinayans Buddhism, Kaundinya and his scholars introduced Pali into the mainstream of Buddhism. From now on, the Pali language replaced the Sanskrit Language in the practice of Theravada Buddhism. It explains why the Mon Language of the Menam Valley incorporated many Pali features as token of this religious practice . In Lavo, many other aspects of the Khmer culture could also be found among the Lawa tribes that were becoming new subjects of the Khmer Empire.
The Syam Kuti and Lawaratha
The word "Siam Kut" or "Siam Kuk" was also found in the depiction of Angkor Wat attesting the connection of the Siam country with the Angkorian Empire. It was a corruption of the Pali word "Siam Kuti" meaning the "Siamese Camp" and was referencing to Guchanaga in the Ayudhya incription. Even-though having noticeable concentration of Siam immigrants from the north, Siam Kuti was just a small community of Dvaravati. We shall see that until the late twelve century, Dvaravati still retained its Naga legacy in connection with Ligor of Sri Dharmaraja (The Contruction of Angkor Wat: Maha Nokor: The Siam Kut). Scholars agree that the Syam identity was connected to the Red-earth country that got it name from the red color of the land (Notes: The Red-earth country). The Pali word "Syam" is translated as the color dark-red or "Jum" in the Khmer-mon language and was referring to the Red-earth country known as Chih-tu in Chinese text. The first time that the word "Syam" is mentioned in Khmer Tradition is when Prah Thong had moved his court to the Menam Valley and made contact with the Siam people. Settling himself at Lavo, Kaundinya was in contact with the Siam country.
At the time, there were Siam people moving from the North to settle around the lake Norng Snor sending tribute of dried fishes and the lake water to his (Prah Thong) court regularly. (RHNK: Kamboja)
The Siamese were mentioned to be from the north, undoubtedly from the Red-earth country. Some of them were moving south and settled around Lake Norng Snor, the site of later Siam's city Ayudhya. They submitted to Prah Thong and sent him tributes of dried fishes and sacred water. In correlation with the Khmer tradition, the Red-Earth country must to be located up-north of La-vo. The Lawa tribesmen of the race Lua, an aboriginal ethnic of the Khmer-mon family, were the majority of the early indigenous people. The Siam tradition (Annales du Siam: Chronicle de Suvann Khamdeng, Peter Norton) mentioned about a circumstance that the northern Lawa people were to receive the Tai culture through contact with the Tai Aristocrats of Yunnan. A disastrous event had forced the Tais of Vieng Jetha or Chet Lin to live among the people of race Lua. There were fleeing demons preying upon the Tai peoples, descendant of Praya Men Ta Tok. Tai brigands also of the latter' s descendant, as a mean of living, threaten the fleeing Tais of giving them ransom. They fabricated a scheme that forced the migrant Tais to bring mortars back to face the demons if they don't pay their due. To protect the fleeing Tais, the chief Lua decided to confuse the demons by exchanging their appearance. The Tais had to cut their hairs the Lawa style while the Lawa had to dress the same way as the Tais. This arrangement was undoubtedly the starting point of mixture between the two races. Together they formed a new Lao people who constituted the majority of the northern Siam country. We shall see that both the Naga tribesmen of the Southern Menam Valley and the Lao people of the northern Siam country migrating south, were to be absorbed into the Khmer Empire. After the falling of Funan by the Chenla Clan of Prey Nokor, both Lavo and northern Siam country were taken by Water Chenla. Under Vishnuite tradition, they were known later as the Raman or Mon people of Dvaravati (Dvaravati: The Chenla Connection: Sri Ksetra or Ramavati).
The hair cut Lawa style
Many legacies of early Khmer culture could be found at Lawo, the lawa' s stronghold, where Kaundinya stayed until he was driven out by the Chenla King Bhavavarman. One of them was the hair in crew-cut style that was seen wide spread among the Lao tribesmen. Known as the "basket's foot" styling in Khmer vogue, the hairstyle was in fact a Khmer tradition and could be seen depicted on the wall of Angkor wat. After the cut, only the top of the head was left with a few inches of cylindrical shape of hair. It was spread to the Siam country during the Khmerization of Kamboja. The tradition started at the early establishment of Khmer Empire when Prah Thong was exiled from Indrapathra. According to Khmer tradition it was an act of punishment imposed by king Adityavamsa upon his unruly son, Prah Thong and his entourage.
He issued order to have Prah Thong arrested along with all his entourage, have their hair cut for unruly, have their mouths brushed by fire wood three times and be ousted from the kingdom and never have his name heard again. The three sons then excused themselves from the court and went on to arrest Prah Thong and his entourage, had their hair cut off for unruly, had their mouth brushed by fire wood three times and exiled from the kingdom by the south of the Aranyadesa. (RPNK: Prah Thong)
The odd-looking hairstyle was meant to shame the exile court of Prah Thong by making them look different from the general population. It was one of the excommunication measures designed perhaps to prevent them from sneaking back into the kingdom. However the style seamed to suit the exiled people very well. In the hot climate of their new homeland, the style was more practical than their traditional long hairstyle, normally reserved for the high cast. The native appeared to take it as a sign of more civilized trend and the hairstyle became widely in vogue among them to stay as a trademark of the Khmer tradition that lasted until modern time. After Kaundinya moved his court to Lavo, the vogue also spread among the Lawa tribesmen.
The customs
Another strong aspect of the Khmer legacy in Lavo was the wearing of "Kbin", used by both men and women alike. It was consisting of a large piece of cloth, wore with the front end passed between the legs and tight to the back. The Kbin was considered as a more formal wear than that of the "Sarong" and was normaly used in a ceremonial event. People however preferrred to wear it at their old age, perhaps of its dignified look. This custom was uncommon to the Naga tradition but could be found in wideapread used in both northern and southern India. Conforming to the Chinese sources that Kaundinya brought with him Indian legacies to Funan, we shall see some other cultural changes to the local naga tradition as well. Once again we have to rely on Chinese sources to get a glimpse on the custom of the country.
For marriage, first of all a propitious hour is chosen. The five days after the appointed date are spent in rejoicing and drinking. On the sixth day, the father places the hand of the daughter in that of his son-in-law and on the seventh day the marriage is consummated. When the nuptials are completed, all take their leave and the newlyweds go to live by themselves- unless the husband's father is still alive, in which case they go to live with him.
The wedding ceremony was clearly more elaborate than the custom of the natives, especially the Austro-asiatic custom of the Lawa tribes. The last mentioning of the newlyweds living with the husband's father reflects the influence of the Cham or the Chinese patrimonial custom. The funeral, on the other hand, was all derived from Hindu rituals of cremation.
Those who lost their father, their mother, or their brothers shave their heads and wear white clothing. They build a bamboo hut over the water, fill it with small sticks, and place the corpse in it. Streamers are put up, incense is burned, conches are blown, and drums beaten while the pyre is set on fire and the flames consume it. At the end everything disappears into the water. This ceremony never varies. Nothing distinguishes the funeral of a high official from that of a common man. Only for the king is care taken to perform the cremation in such a way as to collect the ashes, which are placed in golden urn and deposited in funeral monuments.
The burning of corpse on the Pyre was typical of Hindu Culture and was practiced perhaps by family's members of Brahmans. For the king, the funeral ceremony included the storing of the urn containing the ashes from the cremation in a funeral monument (Cediya) following the Buddhist tradition. The combination of both Hindu and Buddhist tradition is of course quite common with the custom of Mahayana Buddhism.
THE KHMER EMPIRE
After the wedding with the Nagi Princess, Kaundinya left Prey-nokor to establish the Khmer authority in Kambojadesa. At the same time, he left the Khmer throne in the hand of his rightful heir, Gunavarman. His other son, Rudravarman, took the opportunity to usurp the throne from his brother. One important fact about Rudravarman was that he descended from a long lineage of Ashoka, thus inheriting a strong legacy of Mahayana Buddhism. Visiting Ba-Phnom that was the capital of Funan at the time, I-tching had made his comment that Buddhism was flourishing under both reigns of Jayavarman Kaundinya and and Rudravarman (The Chenla Empire: The Last of the Chenla Court: The last Chenla king Jayavarman).
The reign of King Jayavarman (485-514)
Scholars consented that the Chinese word "She-yeh-pa-mo" is the transcription of the Sanskrit word "Jayavarman" meaning the protégé of the God of Victory. The Chinese text mentioned about Jayavarman of the Kaundinya family ascending the Funan throne of Vyadhapura around the late fifth century. His first embassy to China dated in the period of Yong Ming (483-493) and his second embassy dated in second year of Tien Kien (503). His courtesy toward China was rewarded by the Chinese court as the "great king of Funan" and was given the title of "General of the Pacified South".
The king of Funan, Kaundinya Jayavarman reigns at the limit of ocean. From generation to generation they rule far away countries of the south. And their sincerity manifest from that far, with multiple interpreters, they offer present and homage; it is appropriate to offer back the favor, and offer them an glorified title, "General of Pacified South, the king of Funan". (BEFEO III: Le Funan, Paul Pelliot)
This recognition obviously was extending to his support for Buddhism. Evidence shows that during his reign, the Chinese court had depended on Funan to pass on the Buddhist knowledge to China. A prominent Buddhist monk named Sanghabala, following the footstep of his predecessor Gunabhattra, had made his trip to China and spent the rest of his life translating sacred books into Chinese language. Kaundinya Jayavarman died in 514 without leaving any inscription on him. However his queen Kulaprabhavati and his son Gunavarman each left a Sanskrit inscription detailing the practice of Vishnuite cult. It is undoubtedly that the queen Kolaprabhavati was from the line of the Naga King of the Kamboja Empire. She was the reason why Kaundinya Jayavarman could ascent the Kambojan throne at Angkorpuri. According to tradition, the legacy of being protected by the God King of Victory (Jaya) dated a long way from the Saka of Daya desa and to some sources was connected to Arjuna, the legendary hero of Mahabharata. We shall see that this legacy was carried on through many generations of Khmer kings, suggesting that in high probability, they were his direct descendants. For the sake of accuracy, Jayavarman I should be attributed to Kaundinya Jayavarman, since he was the first known Khmer king protégé of the god king Jaya. Evidences also show that during the hingh of the Khmer expansion, northern Siam country was absorbed back into the Khmer Empire (The Sakadvipa: The Saka of Daya Desa: King Simhanati and the formation of Xiang-sean). The success of Jayavarman Kaundinya was not, unfortunately, without a price. As soon as he moved his court to Lavo, rivalry popped up at Prey Nokor. Inscriptions found in the Delta-Region revealed serious conflicts between three local rulers: Gunavarman, Rudravarman, and Viravarman. According to Chinese sources, chaos settled in the court of Prey-Nokor after his death.
The tenth year (511) and thirteenth year (514), Jayavarman sent successively ambassadors bringing tributes. That year he died. The son of a concubine, Liou-to-pa-mo. killed his eldest brother, son of the legitimate queen, and ascended himself the throne.
(FUNAN: P. 270) The passage indicates that Rudravarman (Liou-to-pa-mo) killed his brother, Gunavarman, and took the throne for himself. Khmer inscriptions confirm the latter' s ascension to both the throne of Prey-Nokor at Champapura and the Kambojan throne at Ba-Phnom. As we shall see, the conflict would evolve into dynastic feud that split the family of king Kaundinya into three antagonist royal houses of Southeast Asia.
The reign of King Rudravarman (514-550)
The inscription of Mi-son confirms that Rudravarman was next to rule over Champapura after Kaundinya had married the Nagi Princess. He was the son of Kaudinya Jayavarman who, as mentioned in the Chinese texts, rose up against his father by usurping the Prey-Nokor throne. According to the Chinese sources, it was an act of usurpation against his stepbrother. Since his mother was only a concubine of the late king, he was not the legitimate heir and was able to ascend the Kambojan throne only after the death of Gunavarman. An inscription at Tonle (river) Bati attests his reign around the sixth century at the Kambojan throne and indicates that he was a fervent Buddhist. Obviously after Kaundinya Jayavarman's death, Rudravarman came to claim the Khmer throne of Vyadhapura. Before then, he already took hold of the Prey-nokor court without his father's consent. According to the history of the Tsi, King Jayavarman Kaundinya sent a delegation to the Chinese Court to ask for help in conquering back Prey Nokor from the usurper. In his letter, Jayavarman portrayed the usurper as one of his servants named Chiu chou lo who manage to capture the Lin-yi throne with the help of local rebels. However, the Chinese text referred Rudravarman as Tang-ken-chun, the son of the king of Funan which is Jayavarman's own son. The emperor of China thanked Jayavarman of his tribute, but granted no support against Rudravarman. Despite his low status as heir inheriting the khmer throne, Rudravarman had nonetheless strong connection with the ancient line of King Ashoka's descendants of Prey-Nokor. Through Chinese sources, we had seen that a lineage from Ashoka's grandson Mang-siu (Ti-mong-tsiu) had established in Indochina since its early time (Sakadvipa: The Saka of Daya Desa: King Ashoka of Maghadha). A Chinese source still refer him by the same title as a ruler of the Kun-lun (Khmer) Kingdom (The Chenla Empire: The Chenla Brotherhood: Sri Ksetra and Rampuri). To his connection with the Ashoka lineage, an inscription of Champapura mentioned about one of his ancestors named Gangaraja, the king who made a pilgrimage to the shore of the Gange River. He might become a member of the Gupta Empire or an Indian monarch after the fall of the latter. He received the investiture from the Chinese court as king of Champa in 530 and sent an embassy to China in 534. This close connection with the Chinese court of the Sui Dynasty allowed Rudravarman to stay on the throne of Prey Nokor, despite the objection of his father Jayavarman Kaundinya. Inscriptions found at Champapura attest the formation of a dynasty that began at Champa about 529, a dynasty that reigned for a little over a century. The founder was Rudravarman with the same coronation name as the next king of Vyadhapura. We had seen that the Sui Dynasty, not only ignoring the request of Kaundinya Jayavarman to subdue the usurper of the throne of Prey-Nokor, but gave support to Rudravarman all along during the next events to come. Rudravarman sent various embassies to China between 517 and 539 and was recorded as the last king of Funan.
The expansion of Buddhism
During the reign of Kaudinya Jayavarman, Chinese texts witness the presence of prominent Buddhist monks who had contributed to the Buddhist expansion in China (FUNAN: BEFEO III: Le Funan, by Paul Pelliot).
Buddhist monks originated from Funan lived in China. We could not trace many of them, but at least two that the traditions still portrays in the Tripitaka. The two lived in the second half of V century and the first half of VI century. One of them was named Sanghabala. Originated from Funan, he heard people taking about the dynasty of Tsi (479-501), he boarded a ship to China. He was born at 460. As he know many languages, the emperor Wou the Leang employed him from 506 and during the next sixteen years, he commissioned him to translate sacred books. Sanghabala died in China at 524 at the age of 65 years old.
Following the success of Sanghabala, other monks went to China to join him in the work of expanding Buddhist religion.
The second monk from Funan had a religious name Mandra or Madrasena. He arrived at the capital of the dynasty Leang in 503, and received from the emperor Wou the order to work with Sanghabala translating sacred books but unlike Sanghabala Mandrasena, he never acquired good enough knowledge of the Chinese language.
The cultural connection between China and Funan continued during the next reign of Rudravarman who, as we shall see, was a strong patron of Mahayana Buddhism. The history of the Liang states that a Chinese embassy was sent to Funan between 535 and 545 to request Buddhist texts and Buddhist teachers to China. Rudravarman sent the Indian Paramartha or Gunaratha of Ujjayini, who was then living in Funan, for the mission. He arrived in China in 546, bringing 240 bundles of texts with him. According to the history of the Sui, the Siu Kao seng tchouan, Buddhist texts in Kun-lun (Khmer) scripture had been collected during a Chinese raid and brought to China.
In 605 when the Chinese general Liou Fang took the capital of Lin-yi, it reported to 1350 Buddhist works forming 564 volumes, and all are written in Kun-lun Scripture. (BEFEO IV: Deux itinaraires de Chine en Inde I: Page 220, Paul pelliot)
The attack that was conducted against the Champa court of Prey Nokor, right after the fall of King Rudravarman, was presumably the attempt of the Sui Dynasty to salvage Buddhism from destruction. It was the proof of interference from the Chinese court in support of Rudravarman, during the uprising of the Chenla Empire.
THE THREE DYNASTIES
Either by coincidence or by fate, the cosmology of Osiris, usurped by his brother Seth, manifested itself again, this time in the heart of Nokor Khmer. Rudravarman whose ascension to the Funan throne had a close similarity with the usurpation of Seth, carried on the Mauryan tradition. Conforming to Seth's legacy, Rudravarman revived the Kam tradition of the Sri Vijaya powerhouse. Unlike the middle-eastern development, we shall see that Gunanvarman was not resurrected back to fight against the Sri Vijaya but the two sons of his uncle Viravarman. Bhavavarman and Citrasena emerged to form the Vishnuite Chenla Clan and carried on the task of the Chola legacy. Only after the latter's fall that the legacy of Gunavarman, or precisely of Kaundinya and the Nagi Princess, came back as the Sailendra Kings to establish once again the Khmer Empire.
The three power houses
Two inscriptions, one was found at Champapura of Prey Nokor and another one was found at the temple of Backsei Cham Krong at the heart of Angkor, commemorated the marriage of Kaundinya to the Nagi princess. The inscription was inscribed at the tenth century commemorating the same legendary couple as the ancestors of the Angkorian lineage.
Cri rudravarmmanrpati prammukhas talac cri kaundinya somaduhitrprabhavah ksetindrah jata jagattrayavikirnnayacaborakaca daksah prajaviracane crutacalino ye. (JA t. XIII serie X: L'inscription de Baksei Chamkron, George Coedes).
The inscription attributes the marriage of Kaundinya to the Nagi Princess, as the beginning of the "Kaundinya- somaduhitprabhavah" Lineage of the Devaraja Kings of Angkorian Empire. The first lineage that was headed by the direct descendants of Kaundinya Jayavarman and the Nagi Princess stayed close to the kamara heritage and represented the force of unification. The other twos, on the other hand, emerged as raw powers that would play critical roles in the next formation of Southeast Asian Cakravatin Empire. With the deep root from king Ashoka's lineage in Southeast Asia, Rudravarman carried on the Mahayana Buddhist tradition and their God King was Paramesvara. The inscription of Mi-son, on the other hand, commemorates the marriage as the birth of Soma kings constituting the Chenla lineage.
Kulasid bhujaendrakanya somati sa vancakari prthivyam acritya bhave tivicesavastu ya manusavasam uvasa - - - Kaundinyanamna dvijapungavena karyarthapatnitvam anayi yapi bhavisyato rthasya nimittabhave vidher acinthyam khalu cestitam hi. (BEFEO IV: Notes D'epigraphie: Les incriptions de Mi-son, by ML Finot)
Rooted from king Viravarman, the Chenla Dynasty found support from the Cham aristocrats to form later the Chola Consortium. The Chenla Kings were devout Vishnuite and their God King was Tribhuvanaditya. To complete the genealogy of Kaundinya and the Nagi Princess 's descendants, the two inscriptions commemorated three lines that played important roles in the next formation of the Khmer Cakravatin Empire. We already know the background of Rudravarman and his usurpation against the rightful heir, Gunavarman, of the Kambojan Empire. In the dynamic of dynastic feud, we shall see that two other figures were also important and need to be mentioned next.
The reign of King Viravarman (456-485)
After the reign of Rudravarman that ended abruptly, the inscription of Mi-son reveals another line of Champa kings sprung up from king Bhavavarman. Identified later as the Chenla line of kings, they became the antagonist rival of the "Kaundinya- somaduhitprabhavah" Lineage. Later inscriptions erected by the Chenla Kings reveal their ancestry to be from Viravarman. The history of the Liang mentions that
After the death of Kaundinya, one of his successors Che-li-to-pa-mo presented to the court of Emperor Wen (424-453) of the Song, a petition along with the products of his country. (BEFEO III:Le Funan, by Paul Pelliot, p. 269)
This Chinese name 'Che-li-to-pa-mo' relates him to Sri Viravarman. To appease the Chinese court, he sent embassies to China in 456,458, and 472. He was no doubt a member of the Virapura house of Pandaranga, founded by his ancestor Viravarman, the second Kaundinya King who was attacked by the Chinese general Tan-Ho-Tche. It was perhaps him whom a Chinese text mentions as the son of Yang Mah who finally emerged victorious from the feud and had resolved the internal affair. Unfortunately there are no other inscriptions commemorating this victory and we know pretty much nothing else about him, except that he was the father of two illustrious Chenla kings Bhavavarman I and Citrasena who were going to change the course of the Kambojan history. Viravarman obviously sets his capital near the mountain Lingaparvata of Prey Nokor. The history of the Sui, recounts a specific sacrifice carried on the top of the mountain.
Near the capital is a mountain named Ling-chia-po-po, on the summit of which a temple was constructed, always guarded by a thousand soldiers and consecrated to the spirit named Po-to-li, to whom human sacrifices are made. Each Year the king himself goes to this temple to make human sacrifice during the night. (Ma-tuan-lin, Ethnographie des peuples etrangers a la chine II:Meridonaux, Marquis d'Hervey de saint-Denis, Geneva,1883)
Scholars agree that "Ling-chia-po-po" is the transcription of Lingaparvata, and evidence identifies it as a mountain overlooking Prey-Nokor during the start-up of the Chenla era. The mentioning of human sacrifices suggests a non-Buddhist practice of Viravarman court that explains his conflict with Rudravarman who was a fervent Buddhist. According to the inscription of Ang Chunnik, his eldest son Bhavavarman I, carried on the attack and took the Khmer throne at Ba Phnom from the latter.
The reign of King Gunavarman (492-498)
He was the legitimate heir to the Kambojan throne after his father, King Kaundinya Jayavarman and his mother, the queen Kulaprabhavati. An inscription at Prasat Pram Lveng (Fiveplex temple) indicated that his father, Jayavarman Kaundinya, appointed him to rule over a piece of wetland called district of Tuk-kmao (Black water) in the province of Prek-rusei (Bamboo Creek). The land in question, mentioned as a new formed land and still wet, was located at the Mekong delta, south of Prey Nokor today. This is a proof of the Khmer's early colonization over the new-formed wetland of the Mekong Delta that was going to become Kamboja Krom or Kamboja lowland of Prey Nokor today. The inscription also pointed out that, like his mother, he practiced the Visnuite cult. The text also mentions that his young life was ended by drowning, six years later in 498, that was obviously the reason why he had no ascension record on any other inscriptions. Other evidences from Chinese sources show that he was stripped of his right by the usurpation of his half-brother. The usurpation of Rudravarman against the rightful heir Gunavarman triggered the feud that ended the new unified Khmer-Kamboja establishment, known in Chinese text as the Funan Empire. As we shall see, the formation of the Sri Vijaya by his direct descendants, right after the fall of the Chenla Empire, constituted one of the cardinal players for the next development of the Khmer Cakravatin Empire. One of his descendants, known in Khmer inscriptiuons as Jayavarman II, would move its middle-kingdom to the actual Angkor's site. Under the protection of the God King Paramesvara, the Khmer Empire was resurrected again due very much to the cooperation of the two ancient rivals (The making of a Cakravatin Empire: The Deva Dynasty: Jayavarman II). Unfortunately, the unification process did not happen before the complete break-off of the Funan Empire. Following the usurpation of Rudravarman, Funan that was kamboja was incurring dynastic crisis as each faction was very much preoccupied in the fighting for its own supremacy.

[Leeporter]

Whys is the script completely different from Old Khmer? They changed their script completely when they found Angkor? Java is not Zaba, haha. Java is Java. But you hould make a thread wit Malay people and argue about that. I betyou lose. You like to play with words to much. Give us some solid evidence.

It was not me who say Zaba and Java is the same name. It was James Richardson Logan (1819–1869)

JAMES RICHARDSON LOGAN (1819–1869) said "The name Java, Jaba, Saba, Zaba, Jawa, Hawa, is the same word, which is used for rice-fields which are irrigated. The word is primarily connected with the flowing of water."

Let me show you why Java was a port city name of Chaiya.

During Ptolemy, Zaba was a name of a city port in Chaiya before Srivijaya (Sri Bodhi to be precise) conquered Sumatra and Java.

From Ptolemy's description, it was on the land, not far from Takola (Taguapa in west coast) and from the map (drawn according to Ptolemy's description) we can conclude that it's on the opposite coast (east coast), which is Chaiya.

So, we got this:

1) Zaba was a port city of Chaiya
2) Zaba is the same word with "Java" (Jaba, Saba,Jawa, Hawa etc.)

So we can conclude that the port city in Ptolemy's Geographia was Java in Chaiya.

What's wrong with my conclusion???

And please show us stone inscription of Jayavarman II.

[LoveIsAllAround]

Whys is the script completely different from Old Khmer? They changed their script completely when they found Angkor? Java is not Zaba, haha. Java is Java. But you hould make a thread wit Malay people and argue about that. I betyou lose. You like to play with words to much. Give us some solid evidence.

Completely? LOL You can't say that. In fact, they are very similar becos they are same script but just different time.
What you called Old Khmer script evolved from Post Pallava script, which is same as script found in this Chaiya inscrition.

Column 4 Post Pallava (Chaiya); Col 5 Angkor script



Zaba can be Java, You just can't easy debuk this possibility. Doesn't Khmer change /v/ and /f/ sounds to /b/?

[LilBinjbinj]

It was not me who say Zaba and Java is the same name. It was James Richardson Logan (1819–1869)

JAMES RICHARDSON LOGAN (1819–1869) said "The name Java, Jaba, Saba, Zaba, Jawa, Hawa, is the same word, which is used for rice-fields which are irrigated. The word is primarily connected with the flowing of water."

Let me show you why Java was a port city name of Chaiya.

During Ptolemy, Zaba was a name of a city port in Chaiya before Srivijaya (Sri Bodhi to be precise) conquered Sumatra and Java.

From Ptolemy's description, it was on the land, not far from Takola (Taguapa in west coast) and from the map (drawn according to Ptolemy's description) we can conclude that it's on the opposite coast (east coast), which is Chaiya.

So, we got this:

1) Zaba was a port city of Chaiya
2) Zaba is the same word with "Java" (Jaba, Saba,Jawa, Hawa etc.)

So we can conclude that the port city in Ptolemy's Geographia was Java in Chaiya.

What's wrong with my conclusion???

And please show us stone inscription of Jayavarman II.

Maybe you can be clear about Ya-ba?

[LoveIsAllAround]

Sanskrit script found in Chaiya shows that by 775, Sri Bodhi (Srivichai) had a king (of Srivichai) who called himself "the second Vishanu" because he was the "origin of Sailendra Dynasty". His title was "Sri Maharaja"

He was the first king of Srivijaya declared himself as a god king.

Link to side A
http://www.sac.or.th/databases/inscription...4&id_part=1

Link to side B
http://www.sac.or.th/databases/inscription...4&id_part=2



During the same period (between 770-802), a king of Sailendra Dynasty came from what is called "Java" and built Angkor.

And he was known as Jayavarman II who also created the cult of god king or "Devaraja" in Chenla.

I am telling you that that "Java" was what Ptolemy called "Zaba" in the map below.



And if you notice the "god king" cult created by Jayavarman II and the king of Srivijaya in Chaiya in the same period, he must be related to that "the second Vishanu king" in Chaiya's script or even he was that "the second Vishanu" himself.

You must be blind if you don't notice that.

Jayavarman II is ancient Siamese came from Chaiya (Java)

This post has been edited by LoveIsAllAround: Jan 25 2012, 09:14 PM

[Leeporter]

1) The last varman king was Jayavarman VIII, and Trosok Paem aka Srindavarman III was the first non-royal Khmer king. Wether the first Khmer king mentioned in Chronicles is related to Indravarman III I do not know.

That's a BS theory from the same Khmer guy who wrote that Preah Khan reach article.
It was the way he used to distorted the history of his slave ancestor.

The first Varman king was the king of Funan "Chilituobamo. (Sri Indravarman)" in 420.
He was the second king after the first indian king Kaundinya took the throne in Pan Pan (Chaiya) in 357
Before his period (150-356) the king of Funan had a "Tai" name started with "Khun"

The last Varman king was Jayavarman IX. I will show you the late period of Varman and the wearly period of Khmer kings.

Jayavarman VII 1181-1218
Indravarman II 1218-1243
Jayavarman VIII 1243-1295
Indravarman III 1295-1307 <-- Khun Pha Muang from Sukhthai, (re)introduction of Theravada
Srei Jayavarman 1307-1327
Jayavarman IX 1327-1336

<Coup!!!!!>

Nippean Bat 1340-1346 <-- Trasok Paem
Lompong Racha 1346-1351
Soryavong 1357-1363
Borom Reachea I 1363-1373
Thomma Saok 1373-1393
Barom Reachea II 1393-1463

Of course, you don't know whether the first Khmer kings are related to the last Varman or not, even G. Cedes couldn't find the link.

Most of Khmer words consist of Sanskrit Pali words. How do you think they entered Thai language? Also Mon language has also heavily been influenced by Khmer, so there you go. Go read my previous post about linguistic studies Mon.

WTF, what do you think the name of the city Chaiya is, a Khmer language?

SEAhistory, Indians came from west to east, not from east to west!!!!!

The Chronicles are already proven to be very inaccurate, and it was not until 1370 that a Khmer king was recognized by China. So somethin happened between 1327 and 1370.

There you go, normally Chinese court will not recognize a new state.

It shows that during Nippean Bat (1340-1346) - Borom Reachea I (1363-1373) China treated Khmers as an illegal state (due to the coup in Jayavarman IX by Khmer slaves)

[Leeporter]

Jayavarman II is ancient Siamese came from Chaiya (Java)

It's not new, Chenla was a vassal state of Funan which later became Srivichai.

I read Arab's record somewhere talking about king of Srivichai (Arab called "Zabag") marched to Chenla with big navy and beheaded the king of Chenla and afterwards returned his head to the prince of Chenla.

Chenla was surely under Srivichai for long time.

[SEAhistory]

maybe youll find this interesting:

History Sri Vijaya

[SEAhistory]

That's a BS theory from the same Khmer guy who wrote that Preah Khan reach article.
It was the way he used to distorted the history of his slave ancestor.

The first Varman king was the king of Funan "Chilituobamo. (Sri Indravarman)" in 420.
He was the second king after the first indian king Kaundinya took the throne in Pan Pan (Chaiya) in 357
Before his period (150-356) the king of Funan had a "Tai" name started with "Khun"

The last Varman king was Jayavarman IX. I will show you the late period of Varman and the wearly period of Khmer kings.

Jayavarman VII 1181-1218
Indravarman II 1218-1243
Jayavarman VIII 1243-1295
Indravarman III 1295-1307 <-- Khun Pha Muang from Sukhthai, (re)introduction of Theravada [b]not the same person.
Srei Jayavarman 1307-1327 brother indravrman III
Jayavarman IX 1327-1336 Relative Srei Jayavarman -1350

<Coup!!!!!> mystery, but related to Siamese invasions and decline of power.

Nippean Bat 1340-1346 <-- Trasok Paem No appointed ruler, mystery?
Lompong Racha 1346-1351 Not certain
Soryavong 1357-1363
Borom Reachea I 1363-1373
Thomma Saok 1373-1393
Barom Reachea II 1393-1463

Of course, you don't know whether the first Khmer kings are related to the last Varman or not, even G. Cedes couldn't find the link.
[/b]



WTF, what do you think the name of the city Chaiya is, a Khmer language?

SEAhistory, Indians came from west to east, not from east to west!!!!!




There you go, normally Chinese court will not recognize a new state.

It shows that during Nippean Bat (1340-1346) - Borom Reachea I (1363-1373) China treated Khmers as an illegal state (due to the coup in Jayavarman IX by Khmer slaves)

No it shows that something ahppened and probably an invasion of Siam. That explains why in 1370 they were again referred to as CHENLA.

This post has been edited by SEAhistory: Jan 25 2012, 10:03 PM

[LoveIsAllAround]

It's not new, Chenla was a vassal state of Funan which later became Srivichai.

I read Arab's record somewhere talking about king of Srivichai (Arab called "Zabag") [b]marched to Chenla with big navy and beheaded the king of Chenla and afterwards returned his head to the prince of Chenla.

Chenla was surely under Srivichai for long time.[/b]

That's possible. In King Taksin (maybe King Rama I) era, King of Pattani sent his marine troop from Southern Thailand (south of Chaiya) to Cambodia to help Siamese army defeat the Cambodian.

[Leeporter]

maybe youll find this interesting:

History Sri Vijaya

Doesn't that paper from Japanese confirms that Srivija was in Chaiya?

"In this paper what I try to discuss is on the history of the trade between the East and West in the Śrīvijaya times at the same time I would like to correct the location of capital of Shih-li-fo-shi (室利仏逝) from Palembang to Chaiya. The Palembang Hypothesis presented by G. Coedès and has been supported by most historians is not rational from many aspects and it is proved apparent mistake."

I not only confirm that Srivichai was in Chaiya, but I also show you that it was called "Sri Bodhi" or Shih-li-fo-shi (室利仏逝) via my southerner ears.

And I've shown you using Ptolemy's map that what you called "Java" in the story of Jayavarman II was actually Java or Zaba, a port city of Chaiya.

Chaiya used this port city to link with Champa and China.

And all civilization of Chenla and Angkor was first started here in Chaiya.

We can prove that many rulers of Chenla and Angkor were from Srivijaya in Chaiya and Nakorn Srithammarat, southern Thailand.

The question is, was Srivichai or Chaiya considered "Khmer" so you claim everything to be "Khmer"?

[LoveIsAllAround]

Whys is the script completely different from Old Khmer? They changed their script completely when they found Angkor? Java is not Zaba, haha. Java is Java. But you hould make a thread wit Malay people and argue about that. I betyou lose. You like to play with words to much. Give us some solid evidence.

Look at your Khmer serious chat section. Malay also claims Funan. LOL

Native Sri Bodhi is Mon people (ancient Siamese) not Malay. Malay migrated to pennisular later, that's why it's called Malay Pennisular. But the old name is Laem Thong, Goldern Pennisular, Thong is Mon word.

[Leeporter]

No it shows that something ahppened and probably an invasion of Siam. That explains why in 1370 they were again referred to as CHENLA.

It shows that there was nothing called "Khmer Empire"

There were Funan which later established what is called Chenla.

Chenla betrayed Funan and kicked them back to Chaiya to form Srivijaya (Sri Bodhi) which later came back to control Chenla.

And there was nothing as "Angkor", it was just a term coined by the French to make it separate from other part of the empire.

Chenla later developed into a power center (after Jayavarman II) having its rulers from several parts of the empire, including Sri Indravarman III or Khun Pha Muang from sukhothai, Suriyavarman I from Nakorn Sridhammarat, Suriyavarman II from Lopburi etc.

There was no "Khmer" ruler whatsoever (prove me wrong)

And in 1335, Khmer slaves in Chenla started the coup and took control of Chenla.

That was the first time Khmer became the king of Chenla.

1350 Ayudhaya established a city called "Ayudhaya" and 2 years later attacked Chenla to teach the lesson to the "betrayal"

Later Ayudhaya successfully forced Khmers to leave the city and re-established the empire.

The history of the whole region was something like this, not the one that developed seperately like in the French version.

[Leeporter]

Look at your Khmer serious chat section. Malay also claims Funan. LOL

Native Sri Bodhi is Mon people (ancient Siamese) not Malay. Malay migrated to pennisular later, that's why it's called Malay Pennisular. But the old name is Laem Thong, Goldern Pennisular, Thong is Mon word.

Correct, it was called "Chryse Chersonesos" or "Golden Peninsula" by Greek.

It was where Indians set their first footsteps in SEA.

It was the British who started calling it "Malay Peninsula "

[Leeporter]

The problem of this paper is that it "assumed" everybody and everything to be "Khmer"

During the set back, the immediate descendants of King Hun-tien stayed in background and left the control of Funan to a local general who ruled the Empire under the name of Sri mate Sri Man Dhamaraja.

Let me start by this question. I've shown you that the word "Hun-tien" should be "Khun Tian" in Tai language and I am sure it makes sense to everybody.

Now, if you claim that "Hun-tien" was a Khmer, show us what his name should be in Khmer. Which Khmer name you think it make sense to you?

The General name was Fan Man in Chinese which was "Khun Pan Man" in Tai.

He was one of Khun Tian's grandson (in Soma lineage)

Pan Man was a son of Khun Pan Wang (Hun Pankuang in Chinese) with Sopa, another daughter of Khun Tian with Soma, a Tamil queen.

The arrival of the exiled prince Kaundinya from Magadha at the beginning of the fourth Century, brought a new vigor to the Kamara world. At the start, he found supports from the people allowing him to establish his exile court at Lavo (Pan-pan in Chinese texts).

See? They took Pan Pan in Surat to be Lavo.

PanPan is Pan Pan, Lavoa is Lavo. They are different kingdom!

After the fight with the Cham king broke out, Kaundinya moved his court to Prey-Nokor where he erected his very first inscription at Vo-canh. During this early formation of Nokor Khmer, evidences show that Kaundinya managed to stay in good term with the former Kamboj court of Funan.

It was not called "Nakor Khmer", what he built was a vasall state of Funan in Chaiya.
There was no "Khmer" involved in this period yet.
If you think I am wrong, give me your evidence.
Do you see these Khmer's logic?
Kaundinya was from India and he establised "Nakor Khmer"!!!!!
Is there any relationship between prince from India and Khmer for you to call it "Nakor Khmer"?
ha ha ha ... that's how they twisted the history.
They can fool only idiot who don't have brain to think.

[KhmerBoi]

The problem of this paper is that it "assumed" everybody and everything to be "Khmer"



Let me start by this question. I've shown you that the word "Hun-tien" should be "Khun Tian" in Tai language and I am sure it makes sense to everybody.

Now, if you claim that "Hun-tien" was a Khmer, show us what his name should be in Khmer. Which Khmer name you think it make sense to you?

The General name was Fan Man in Chinese which was "Khun Pan Man" in Tai.

He was one of Khun Tian's grandson (in Soma lineage)

Pan Man was a son of Khun Pan Wang (Hun Pankuang in Chinese) with Sopa, another daughter of Khun Tian with Soma, a Tamil queen.



See? They took Pan Pan in Surat to be Lavo.

PanPan is Pan Pan, Lavoa is Lavo. They are different kingdom!






It was not called "Nakor Khmer", what he built was a vasall state of Funan in Chaiya.
There was no "Khmer" involved in this period yet.
If you think I am wrong, give me your evidence.
Do you see these Khmer's logic?
Kaundinya was from India and he establised "Nakor Khmer"!!!!!
Is there any relationship between prince from India and Khmer for you to call it "Nakor Khmer"?
ha ha ha ... that's how they twisted the history.
They can fool only idiot who don't have brain to think.

I think that possibly idiots fool idiots then that idiot though they are smart!!! and for those we call Siem!!! Lolzzzzz

[Leeporter]

2) There is many evidence of Apsara being in Cambodia, it was during 14th, 15th century disappeared, and entered Ayutthuya. More info on Apsara dance soon, I am gathering more evidence now.

Don't waste your time, I will show you where the origin of what so-called Apsara dance is.

H. G. Quaritch Walese already discovered it while he was tracing back the Indianized route back to Takuapa and Chaiya in 1937, and you may read it in his book:

Towards Angkor - In the Footsteps of the Indian Invaders here:
http://www.scribd.com/doc/52047112/Towards...n-invaders-1937

I've copied and pasted the chapter he talked about it at the end of this post for you to easily find and read it.

But I want to show you first what he was talking about in this clip.

http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=-v_hYCUnYnI

It's the mother of the dance in Cambodia and it's usesless for you to claim that Siam copied Apsara dance from Cambodia.

And this is what H. G. Quaritch Walese said in his book:

"That evening we pitched our camp on an open patch of grass near the river-bank and beneath a majestic limestone crag. Soon after we had devoured the usual evening meal of die inevitable chicken the village headman appeared, with an invitation to accompany him to the village, just a few hundred yards away, where a theatrical entertainment was being given at the house of a man who had engaged a wandering troupe of players. I do not remember the nature of the occasion, but probably, as so often happens, the man was fulfilling a vow that if certain circumstances came to pass as he desired he would celebrate by giving a free entertainment to all his neighbours.

The performance was taking place, as we found when we arrived, in the host's garden, and we were invited to take seats on the back stairs of the stilted wooden house, whence we had a good view of the players performing in the centre of a torch-lit ring, around which most of the villagers seemed to have gathered. It struck me as a remarkably fitting introduction to this land of the ancient Indian colonists that no sooner had we crossed the watershed than we were welcomed by this very tangible souvenir of the early contact of this part of the Farther East with the culture of India. For the Laklon Manora, or simply Nora as it is more frequently called in these parts, is undoubtedly the most ancient form of the theatre surviving anywhere in Greater India, and just as it is definitely the ancestor of the various later evolved forms of the theatre and masked drama, of which every tourist has seen something in Cambodia and Bangkok, so also it is beyond doubt the connecting-link between these and the theatre of India.

The Nora now survives in all its purity only in the region around the Bay of Bandon, especially at Nakon Sri Thammarat, and the troupes of players still retain the ancient custom of strolling through all the villages in that neighbourhood. In this way one such troupe had on the occasion of our visit reached even so remote a place as Ban Sok, much to the joy of the villagers, and of us, who had the opportunity of witnessing a theatrical treat rarely seen by Europeans. The Nora troupe always consists of three actors, in addition to a master, who seldom acts himself It was formerly the rule for men only to act in these troupes, but to-day the rule is often broken, and there was in fact an actress among the trio we witnessed at Ban Sok. Besides the actors there are always the accompanying musicians and an equal number of singers, who form a semicircle around die mat on which the action takes place. There is a total absence of any effort at scenic effects, but the players wear crowns and other highly decorative attire, including long, pointed, false finger-nails, which, except for the latter speciality, found only in the Nora troupes, are somewhat reminiscent of the wellknown dancing costume of Siam and Cambodia, though far more primitive in character. In die same way the dances are also of a very primitive type: in fact, only a dozen different postures are known, but these require an immense amount of early training. Far nearer to ancient India did I feel that evening as I sat before this quaint village entertainment than I had ever done when witnessing the more elaborate and highly evolved displays of the royal dramatic troupes of the capitals of Siam and Cambodia; and here is the theme of the play, an episode of which they acted, The Story of the Lady Manora:"

<read the story on page 62 http://www.scribd.com/doc/52047112/Towards...vaders-1937>

[Leeporter]

Although they shared the same base, Siam and Cambodia developed the dance on a different path.

From 14th-15th century to 18th-19th century is a very long time and dance in Siam and Cambodia should have been so much different in 18th-19th century (provided that they are the same in 14th-15th century)

But we know that, from 14th-15th century to 18th-19th century, Siam court dance never been interrupted like in Cambodia.

So, you can't claim that that what Cambodians took from Siam court in 18th century was the same with Cambodian's dance in 14th-15th century!

Let alone claiming that Siamese stole the dance from Cambodia in 14th-15th century!

You understand it?

[SEAhistory]

Doesn't that paper from Japanese confirms that Srivija was in Chaiya?

"In this paper what I try to discuss is on the history of the trade between the East and West in the Śrīvijaya times at the same time I would like to correct the location of capital of Shih-li-fo-shi (室利仏逝) from Palembang to Chaiya. The Palembang Hypothesis presented by G. Coedès and has been supported by most historians is not rational from many aspects and it is proved apparent mistake."

I not only confirm that Srivichai was in Chaiya, but I also show you that it was called "Sri Bodhi" or Shih-li-fo-shi (室利仏逝) via my southerner ears.

And I've shown you using Ptolemy's map that what you called "Java" in the story of Jayavarman II was actually Java or Zaba, a port city of Chaiya.

Chaiya used this port city to link with Champa and China.

And all civilization of Chenla and Angkor was first started here in Chaiya.

We can prove that many rulers of Chenla and Angkor were from Srivijaya in Chaiya and Nakorn Srithammarat, southern Thailand.

The question is, was Srivichai or Chaiya considered "Khmer" so you claim everything to be "Khmer"?

Read this book and you'll get all the answers:

Wheels od Dvaravati

[LoveIsAllAround]

Don't waste your time, I will show you where the origin of what so-called Apsara dance is.

H. G. Quaritch Walese already discovered it while he was tracing back the Indianized route back to Takuapa and Chaiya in 1937, and you may read it in his book:

Towards Angkor - In the Footsteps of the Indian Invaders here:
http://www.scribd.com/doc/52047112/Towards...n-invaders-1937

I've copied and pasted the chapter he talked about it at the end of this post for you to easily find and read it.

But I want to show you first what he was talking about in this clip.

http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=-v_hYCUnYnI

It's the mother of the dance in Cambodia and it's usesless for you to claim that Siam copied Apsara dance from Cambodia.

And this is what H. G. Quaritch Walese said in his book:

"That evening we pitched our camp on an open patch of grass near the river-bank and beneath a majestic limestone crag. Soon after we had devoured the usual evening meal of die inevitable chicken the village headman appeared, with an invitation to accompany him to the village, just a few hundred yards away, where a theatrical entertainment was being given at the house of a man who had engaged a wandering troupe of players. I do not remember the nature of the occasion, but probably, as so often happens, the man was fulfilling a vow that if certain circumstances came to pass as he desired he would celebrate by giving a free entertainment to all his neighbours.

The performance was taking place, as we found when we arrived, in the host's garden, and we were invited to take seats on the back stairs of the stilted wooden house, whence we had a good view of the players performing in the centre of a torch-lit ring, around which most of the villagers seemed to have gathered. It struck me as a remarkably fitting introduction to this land of the ancient Indian colonists that no sooner had we crossed the watershed than we were welcomed by this very tangible souvenir of the early contact of this part of the Farther East with the culture of India. For the Laklon Manora, or simply Nora as it is more frequently called in these parts, is undoubtedly the most ancient form of the theatre surviving anywhere in Greater India, and just as it is definitely the ancestor of the various later evolved forms of the theatre and masked drama, of which every tourist has seen something in Cambodia and Bangkok, so also it is beyond doubt the connecting-link between these and the theatre of India.

The Nora now survives in all its purity only in the region around the Bay of Bandon, especially at Nakon Sri Thammarat, and the troupes of players still retain the ancient custom of strolling through all the villages in that neighbourhood. In this way one such troupe had on the occasion of our visit reached even so remote a place as Ban Sok, much to the joy of the villagers, and of us, who had the opportunity of witnessing a theatrical treat rarely seen by Europeans. The Nora troupe always consists of three actors, in addition to a master, who seldom acts himself It was formerly the rule for men only to act in these troupes, but to-day the rule is often broken, and there was in fact an actress among the trio we witnessed at Ban Sok. Besides the actors there are always the accompanying musicians and an equal number of singers, who form a semicircle around die mat on which the action takes place. There is a total absence of any effort at scenic effects, but the players wear crowns and other highly decorative attire, including long, pointed, false finger-nails, which, except for the latter speciality, found only in the Nora troupes, are somewhat reminiscent of the wellknown dancing costume of Siam and Cambodia, though far more primitive in character. In die same way the dances are also of a very primitive type: in fact, only a dozen different postures are known, but these require an immense amount of early training. Far nearer to ancient India did I feel that evening as I sat before this quaint village entertainment than I had ever done when witnessing the more elaborate and highly evolved displays of the royal dramatic troupes of the capitals of Siam and Cambodia; and here is the theme of the play, an episode of which they acted, The Story of the Lady Manora:"

<read the story on page 62 http://www.scribd.com/doc/52047112/Towards...vaders-1937>

Thanks very much!

Khmer claim we took it from Angkor. But they themselves can't tell what Angkor tradition dance look like. LOL They just say those dances in Siam are Angkor dance. How retarded they are. I don't wanna be rude. but it can't help for their ignorance.

This dance is very entertaining, derive from Southern Chatri dance. It becomes one of famous Siamese/Thai dance.

Ram Sat Chatri รำซัดชาตรี
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Rksgx0yHOl4