QUOTE
Uyoku are Japanese ultra-nationalist right-wing groups. They have a strong influence upon domestic politics in Japan, and can be seen driving around major cities in black vans and trucks outfitted with loudspeakers. The center of the Uyoku movement is Yasukuni Shrine in central Tokyo, which was the main war shrine during World War II.
Uyoku are often purported to have ties to both Japanese yakuza and some right-wing politicians in the ruling Liberal Democratic Party. For example, Tokyo mayor, Ishihara Shintaro, has been linked to right-wing groups such as the "Seiryukai" ('Blue Dragon Society'). Foreigners often note the ease with which the Uyoku operate as a sign of police collusion or sympathy. Uyoku do seem more able to gain permission for disruptive protests than other activist groups. Their signature black vans are a fixture at the Shibuya train station, a popular youth hangout.
To get their message across, the public address speakers were cranked up to ear-splitting levels. You may not notice them as you hurry to work, but you have no choice but to hear their outdated ideology.
The fundamental beliefs that these ultra-nationalists, or uyoku, have is that, first, Japan must return to its 1930's "sacred values" -- including a militaristic ideology, deification of the Emperor and Japanese as a pure and homogenous people. There are almost 1000 far-right groups throughout the country with membership of more than 100,000, with the majority being affiliated with the National Conference of Patriotic Associations.
Mafia-style intimidation towards media outlets that in any way denigrate their sacred view of Japan and the Emperor has always been the oyoku's main tool in getting their way. For example, the Asahi Shimbun, a national paper known for its liberal views, has faced many attacks from the uyoku. In one instance the attack was provoked by the newspaper allegedly not using the Emperor's name with the correct honorific title. The main office has been surrounded a number of times by the black vans of the uyoku and have actually been rammed into the Asahi Shimbun building itself.
The violence escalated as far as murder when Tomohiro Kojiro, an Asahi reporter, was killed by a shot-gun wielding rightist in 1987. The killer has yet to be identified.
Although only a small group, Japan's right wing seems to be gaining more influence these days. In the current political scene, they have gained some momentum, though not necessarily to the extreme that hardcore members would want.
Take for instance, the Ministry of Education's approval of a certain junior high school history text that -- from the points of view of China and Korea -- is painting a much rosier picture of Japan's role in World War II than is historically accurate. Atrocities are downplayed and Japan's role in using sex slaves from Korea and China are excluded.
The organization responsible for the contentious textbooks, The Society to Write New History Textbooks, is comprised of nationalistic teachers and writers. They argue that the current texts -- the ones they are working to replace -- are "masochistic." Nakamura Isao, an associate of the group, also helped fund a film in 1998. "Pride: A Moment of Fate" told the story of General Tojo Hideki as a victim during the Tokyo Trials following Japan's defeat. Isao was quoted as saying that "It is clear that our history text writers' position is to just attack [Japanese history] -- explanations of (Japan's) successes don't exist in our history -- our modern history is written as a history of crime."
Uyoku are often purported to have ties to both Japanese yakuza and some right-wing politicians in the ruling Liberal Democratic Party. For example, Tokyo mayor, Ishihara Shintaro, has been linked to right-wing groups such as the "Seiryukai" ('Blue Dragon Society'). Foreigners often note the ease with which the Uyoku operate as a sign of police collusion or sympathy. Uyoku do seem more able to gain permission for disruptive protests than other activist groups. Their signature black vans are a fixture at the Shibuya train station, a popular youth hangout.
To get their message across, the public address speakers were cranked up to ear-splitting levels. You may not notice them as you hurry to work, but you have no choice but to hear their outdated ideology.
The fundamental beliefs that these ultra-nationalists, or uyoku, have is that, first, Japan must return to its 1930's "sacred values" -- including a militaristic ideology, deification of the Emperor and Japanese as a pure and homogenous people. There are almost 1000 far-right groups throughout the country with membership of more than 100,000, with the majority being affiliated with the National Conference of Patriotic Associations.
Mafia-style intimidation towards media outlets that in any way denigrate their sacred view of Japan and the Emperor has always been the oyoku's main tool in getting their way. For example, the Asahi Shimbun, a national paper known for its liberal views, has faced many attacks from the uyoku. In one instance the attack was provoked by the newspaper allegedly not using the Emperor's name with the correct honorific title. The main office has been surrounded a number of times by the black vans of the uyoku and have actually been rammed into the Asahi Shimbun building itself.
The violence escalated as far as murder when Tomohiro Kojiro, an Asahi reporter, was killed by a shot-gun wielding rightist in 1987. The killer has yet to be identified.
Although only a small group, Japan's right wing seems to be gaining more influence these days. In the current political scene, they have gained some momentum, though not necessarily to the extreme that hardcore members would want.
Take for instance, the Ministry of Education's approval of a certain junior high school history text that -- from the points of view of China and Korea -- is painting a much rosier picture of Japan's role in World War II than is historically accurate. Atrocities are downplayed and Japan's role in using sex slaves from Korea and China are excluded.
The organization responsible for the contentious textbooks, The Society to Write New History Textbooks, is comprised of nationalistic teachers and writers. They argue that the current texts -- the ones they are working to replace -- are "masochistic." Nakamura Isao, an associate of the group, also helped fund a film in 1998. "Pride: A Moment of Fate" told the story of General Tojo Hideki as a victim during the Tokyo Trials following Japan's defeat. Isao was quoted as saying that "It is clear that our history text writers' position is to just attack [Japanese history] -- explanations of (Japan's) successes don't exist in our history -- our modern history is written as a history of crime."
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=ZoOuuzsLgCc...feature=related
