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like a chonrology of the past presidents and a little history behind them, espeically the women! icon_smile.gif
Megawati was born in January 1947, into one of Indonesia's most powerful families.

Her father, Sukarno, led the country to independence from Dutch colonial rule after World War II and became its first president.

Despite being a member of such a famous political family, Megawati was propelled into the limelight almost by default.

It was only in 1987, at the age of 40, that she reluctantly joined the opposition to former President Suharto's authoritarian government.

But her family name soon insured she became a symbol of popular resistance - so much so that in 1996, Suharto tried to remove her as leader of the PDIP, provoking demonstrations in the capital.

After Suharto's resignation in May 1998, Megawati relaunched the PDIP, and in the country's first free parliamentary elections in 1999, her party won the most votes.

But the national assembly - parliament's upper house, which elected presidents until the 2004 poll - denied her the top job in favour of Abdurrahman Wahid. Megawati became his vice-president.

She automatically became Indonesia's leader after Mr Wahid was dismissed for incompetence and alleged corruption in July 2001.
Sukarno (1901-1970), President 1945-1967

Sukarno (1901-1970), first president of the Republic of Indonesia, a position he held from 17 August 1945, the day on which he proclaimed Indonesia's independence, until his formal deposition on 27 March 1968. Sukarno was one of the charismatic leaders of Afro-Asian nationalism. He could claim, with some justice, to be the founder of the Indonesian Republic, but his closing years were marked by controversy and, ultimately, rejection.

Born in Surabaya, the son of a Javanese school-teacher and a Balinese mother, Sukarno was educated in his father's school in Mojokerto (East Java), the Dutch elementary school at Mojokerto, and the Dutch secondary school (HBS) in Surabaya. As a secondary student he boarded in the house of Umar Said Cokroaminoto, chairman of the mass Islamic organization Sarekat Islam, and he met many of the nationalist leaders of the time there. On graduation from HBS, Sukarno, unlike others of his generation who proceeded to tertiary education in the Netherlands, studied engineering and architecture at the Bandung Technical College.

In Bandung he became involved in nationalist activity. He was chairman of the local branch of Jong Java and one of the founders of the General Study Club in 1926. His article "Nationalism, Islam and Marxism," in the Study Club's journal, Indonesia Muda, urged the unity of the major streams of nationalist thought in the interests of the common goal of independence. He also developed the idea of the Marhaen, the "little people" of Indonesia who were poor but who were not a proletariat.

In 1927 he assisted in the formation of the Indonesian Nationalist Party (PNI) and became its first chairman, Following the decline of Sarekat Islam and the destruction of the Indies Communist Party after the revolts of 1926-1927, the PNI became the main voice of Indonesian secular nationalism, and Sukarno's skills of oratory drew large crowds to its meetings. Its success led, in December 1929, to Sukarno's arrest, trial, and conviction for behavior calculated to disturb public order. His defense speech became a classic of nationalist literature. After his release from prison in December 1931, Sukarno joined Partindo (the PNI's successor) and was arrested again in 1933). In spite of his resignation from Partindo and his promise to the authorities to abstain from political activity in the future, he was exiled first to Flores and then to Bengkulu.

With the Japanese invasion of the Indies in 1942, Sukarno returned to Jakarta where, within the Occupation regime, he served as chairman of its mass organizations and of a Central Advisory Committee. In those positions he was able to soften some Japanese demands, and through access to the radio provided in all villages he became the most widely known Indonesian leader. He claimed that his speeches, though necessarily supporting the Japanese, kept alive the idea of nationalism. In June 1945 he expounded his Pancasila: nationalism, internationalism, democracy, social prosperity, and belief in God.

In August 1945, Sukarno was accepted as the only person who could proclaim Indonesia's independence and assume office as president. During the independence struggle that followed, he agreed to demands for a parliamentary, rather than a presidential, convention in forming governments. Giving up executive authority strengthened his independence and enabled him to be a symbol of unity against the Dutch, a mediator between rival Indonesian factions and the focus of resistance to such internal challenges to the republic as the Communist-led Madiun Affair in 1948.

After the transfer of sovereignty, the provisional constitution of 1950 provided for a parliamentary system and encouraged the emergence of a large number of political parties. Sukarno, irked by the constitutional checks on his authority, did, on occasion, interfere in politics. Growing political instability and regional resistance to the central government eventually gave him an opportunity to intervene more directly. In 1957, after attacking the selfishness of political parties, he called for the replacement of "50 percent plus one" democracy by a system of Guided Democracy more suited to Indonesian methods of deliberation and consensus. In 1959, following the defeat of rebellion in Sumatra and Sulawesi, and with the support of the army, he reintroduced by decree the 1945, presidential-type constitution and assumed executive authority.

Guided Democracy depended initially on a delicate balance between Sukarno and the army but with the Indonesian Communist Party (PKI) becoming more visible and powerful. Sukarno's style had echoes of court politics, government by access, impulse, and display. Against a background of economic crisis and spiraling inflation, Sukarno, "President for Life," expropriated Dutch property, embarked on grand building projects, played host to the Asian Games, and pursued an adventurist foreign policy. Dividing the world ideologically into "new emerging" and "old established" forces, he campaigned successfully for the recovery of West Irian; opposed, by "confrontation," the formation of Malaysia; and withdrew from the United Nations. The frenetic character of his regime reflected, perhaps, an increasingly desperate attempt to balance opposing domestic forces, and it ended in October 1965 with an attempted coup involving PKI leaders. Swift military action under General Suharto suppressed the coup and led to the destruction of the PKI and of the balance on which Sukarno's power had depended. In 1967 Suharto became acting president, and in 1968 Sukarno was formally deposed in his favor. He died two years later.

Sukarno was a complex figure, combining elements of Javanese tradition and modernity in his leadership. To some he was a catastrophic president, wasting resources on grandiose policies. To others he remained the father of the nation. Politically resourceful, he was skilled in balancing rival factions, but with his mercurial style and his external appearance of confidence went signs of an inner vulnerability. At times he could act decisively, as in forming the PNI in 1927, handling the Japanese in 1942-1945, and introducing Guided Democracy in 1957-1959. At other times he appeared hesitant and uncertain. He posed as a revolutionary but recognized the fragility of the republic, and it could be argued that his revolutionary rhetoric disguised a desire to preserve the social status quo. Perhaps his greatest achievement was his projection of a vision of a unified Indonesian nation in an archipelago of great ethnic, religious, and geograhical diversity.

Sukarno's many wives and children:
1. Oetari Tjokroaminoto (married 1921-1923)
2. Inggit Garnasih (married 1923-1943)
Ratna Juami (adopted)
Kartika (adopted)
3. Fatmawati (married 1943-1956)
Guntur Sukarnoputra (1944- )
Megawati Sukarnoputri (1947- )
Rachmawati Sukarnoputri (1950- )
Sukmawati Sukarnoputri (1954- )
Guruh Sukarnoputra (1953- )
4. Hartini (married 1953 till Sukarno's death)
Taufan Sukarnoputra (1951-1981)
Bayu Sukarnoputra (1958- )
5. Ratnasari Dewi Sukarno aka Naoko Nemoto (married 1962 till Sukarno's death)
Kartika Sari Sukarno (1967- )
6. Haryati (married 1963-1966)
7. Yurike Sanger (married 1964-1968)
8. Kartini Manoppo (married 1959-1968)
Totok Suryawan Manoppo (1967- )
9. Heldy Djafar (married 1967-1969)

Sukarno while a student in Bandoeng Technische Hogeschool (Bandung Institute of Technology) in 1926

Sukarno proclaiming the Independence of Indonesia on 17 August 1945 at the terrace of his house on Pegangsaan Oost 56 - Jakarta

Sukarno in 1946

After the recognition of sovereignty of Indonesia by The Netherlands in 1949, Sukarno uttered the famous line on the steps of the Rijswijk Paleis in Koningsplein - Jakarta, "Thank God, we're now free!". Ever since, the Rijswijk Paleis became known as Istana Merdeka, or "Freedom Palace"

Sukarno and government officials during a visit to Kayuagung, South Sumatra in 1952

Sukarno greeting Dag Hammarskjold while visiting UN HQ in New York in 1956

Sukarno in a Time Magazine cover in 1958, when a CIA-backed rebellion flares in Sumatra and Sulawesi (PRRI-Permesta rebellion). This rebellion was quickly put down, while the CIA was forced to withdraw its agents from Indonesia after one of its pilots, Allen Lawrence Pope, was shot down by Indonesian Navy while flying bombing missions for the rebel air force AUREV (Revolutionary Air Force)

Sukarno addresing the UN General Assembly in New York with his famous speech, "To Build The World Anew", on 4 October 1960.

Sukarno praising daughter Megawati Sukarnoputri after her dancing performace in Merdeka Palace, Jakarta in 1960

Sukarno and John Fitzgerald Kennedy during Sukarno's visit to Washington in 1961
Sukarno (1901-1970)

Sukarno and his lawyers after delivering his famous speech "Indonesia Accuses!" during his trial for anti-Dutch activities in Bandung, 1930. He was sentenced for 20 years in prison exile.

The original rasing of the "sacred flag" after the Proclamation of Independence in front of Sukarno's house at Pegangsaan Oost 56 Jakarta on 17 August 1945

Sukarno addressed the youth of Jakarta on Ikada field (now part of Merdeka Square) on 19 August 1945 to inform them on Indonesia's proclamation of independence

Sukarno on the cover of Time Magazine in 1946 as the war leader of the fledgling Republic of Indonesia against recolonisation efforts by the Dutch

Mohammad Hatta, Sukarno, and Sutan Syahrir, the three leaders that led Indonesia through the war of independence against the Dutch (1945-1949) which eventually lead to Dutch recognition of Indonesia's independence on 27 December 1949

Sukarno, being transferred after his capture by the Dutch after the Second Dutch Military Aggression on 19 December 1948

Sukarno joking with Captain Aart Vosveld of the Dutch Tijger-Brigade after his capture on 19 December 1948

Queen Juliana of The Netherlands signing the document recognising Indonesian independence in the Knight's Hall at the Ten Dam Royal Palace at The Hague on 27 December 1949. Also signing was the Dutch Prime Minister Willem Drees, Indonesian Prime Minister Mohammad Hatta, Secretary to the Netherlands Crown Mr JH van Maarseveen, and BFO (Bijeenkomst voor Federaal Overleg) chief Sultan Hamid II of Pontianak

Sukarno hosting Asian and African leaders during the Asia-Africa Conference in Bandung in 1955

Sukarno voting in 1955 elections, the first democratic elections in Indonesia
Sukarno (1901-1970)

Sukarno chatting with Marilyn Monroe in his 1961 American visit

Sukarno chatting with Victor Paz Estenssoro, president of Bolivia in 1961

Sukarno with Kwame Nkrumah of Ghana and Jawaharlal Nehru of India in UN General Assembly in New York in 1960

Sukarno and Italian President Giovanni Gronchi in an official visit to Rome in 1956

Sukarno and Vice-President Richard Nixon riding in an open limousine during an official visit to Washington in 1956. Later in the visit, Sukarno would address a Joint Session of the United States Congress. A newsreel of this event became a box-office in Indonesian cinemas at that year

Sukarno browsing a book by President John F Kennedy presented to him as a gift by US Attorney General Robert Francis Kennedy, during his visit to Jakarta in 1962. RFK would later send a threatening phonecall to Dutch Foreign Minister Joseph Luns, forcing The Netherlands to relinquish its West Papuan colony to Indonesian rule

Sukarno's Japanese wife, Dewi Sukarno (real name : Naoko Nemoto). She was a geisha who fell in love with Sukarno during his official visit to Japan in 1962. After Sukarno's death, Dewi became a celebrity in Japan, well-known for her acid tongue and bad behavior

Sukarno in front of his art collection, photographed by Henri Cartier-Besson, a famous French photographer who married a Balinese woman

To accomodate Indonesia's various political affiliations, Sukarno adopted a concept of Nasakom, a fusion of nationalism, communism, and religion with himself as the uniting force. Here, Sukarno speaks with Dipa Nusantara Aidit, head of the PKI (Indonesian Communist Party), the third largest communist party in the world. Aidit would later be executed by the army in October 1965.
Sukarno (1901-1970)

Sukarno poses with Japanese officers in 1945 (l); Sukarno posing with a romusha workgang for recruitment purposes ( r ). Romusha is a unit of Indonesian slave labor recruited by the Japanese occupation authority to build railways, storage caves, and other defensive works both inside and outside Indonesia. Out of 3 million Indonesian romushas, one million never came back.

Sukarno and Suharto, first and second presidents of Indonesia

Sukarno (1901-1970) and his deputy, Mohammad Hatta (1902-1980), are immortilised as images in the Rp 100,000 bill, while the international airport in Jakarta is also named after them

Sukarno's grave

Under Suharto's orders, Sukarno was first buried in this very simple graveyard in Blitar - East Java in 1970

After 1986, Suharto felt safe enough that he allowed Sukarno's grave to be renovated into a mausoleum. Sukarno's father and mother was buried beside his own grave. The mausoleum is now a pilgrimage site visited by millions of people each year, looking to pay their respect to the founding father, or to seek spiritual powers from the renowned god-president

Sukarno, first president of Indonesia, born 6 June 1901, died 21 June 1970 of untreated kidney failure
Suharto (1921- ), President 1967-1998

Suharto was born near Yogyakarta in Central Java, in 1921, but some mystery surrounds the details. He claimed to be from poor peasant stock but his education, connections with the lower echelons of government, and later indifference to his native village suggest he was the illegitimate son of someone relatively well-placed. During the war he joined Peta, the Japanese-organised Indonesian army, as a platoon commander. In the Indonesian Revolution he saw service around the headquarters of the Republic in Yogyakarta. This involved him in factional conflicts and coup attempts such as the 3 July Affair and the Madiun Affair, which contributed both to his distrust of civilian politicians and his opposition to communism.

Stationed in Central Java after independence, Suharto rose to command the Diponegoro Division. He acquired experience handling business connections and managing army cooperatives and foundations, and met many who would play important roles in his later career (including, during a stint in Makasar, Habibie, his eventual successor as president). In 1959 Suharto was sent to the Army Staff and Command School (he was one of the few among his peers who didn't go to the United States for training) and proceeded from there to high commands: first the Mandala command for the "liberation" of West Irian and then Kostrad, the army strategic reserve. Along with other officers, Suharto helped to stall Army involvement during the Confrontation with Malaysia and by 1965 he was a key player in the uneasy balance between the communist party, the armed forces, and Sukarno.

In 1965 came the 30 September/Gestapu coup attempt, which unleashed the pent-up tension. Elson carefully examines the evidence for what happened on October 1 and the following days, as well as both the mainstream interpretations (varying degrees of communist party involvement and planning) and more radical theories. While he rejects suggestions that Suharto himself was involved in the coup attempt, Elson sheets home to him the primary responsibility for the resulting massacres. Following the coup came the destruction of the communist party and a complex power struggle between Suharto and Sukarno. The Supersemar decree of 11 March 1966 gave Suharto effective power well before his formal appointment as president in 1968, by which point many of the foundations of New Order Indonesia were already in place.

An early "honeymoon" saw the achievement of stability and some economic advances. Though Indonesian economic growth was critical to Suharto's success as leader, Elson barely touches on topics such as foreign investment, relations with the United States and the World Bank, the extent to which benefits reached those in poverty, or the rise of local capitalists. He is more interested in Suharto's idiosyncratic personal ideas about development and his management of conflicts between economic nationalists and technocrats.

Politically the early years of Suharto's presidency saw the curbing of the parties, the creation of Golkar, and the continued use of anti-communist ideology and rhetoric to mobilise support. The corporatisation of politics and connections with Sino-Indonesian businessmen brought criticisms of corruption, however. The decade from 1973 was more difficult. There was discontent in the army elite, surfacing most notably in the Malari affair of January 1974, when Kopkamtib commander Sumitro allowed riots to get out of hand in an attempt to discredit opponents, and the 1980 Petition of 50, criticising army collaboration with Golkar. Other problems included continuing student and social unrest, the Pertamina scandal, and the occupation of East Timor.

In the decade following the 1983 presidential election Suharto enjoyed nearly undisputed ascendancy, despite controversies over an extra-judicial state terror campaign (the Petrus killings), army reforms, an oil crisis, the role of his children, and patrimonialism and corruption more generally. The 1988 elections saw the appointment of Sudharmono as vice-president, part of a broader move away from the army. As he aged, Suharto faced the loss of friends from his own generation (and in particular his wife Ibu Tien in 1996), a decline in personal ties to subordinates, and a general loss of touch. He fell back on his familiars and tried to find new sources of support: he promoted Habibie rapidly (though the army imposed Try Sutrisno as vice-president in 1993), indulged his children, tried to bolster his Islamic credentials (risking ethnic and religious sectarianism), and took a growing interest in his status as an international leader.

This leaves us with some idea of Suharto's own contributions to his rapid fall from power in May 1998, but Elson's account of that is brief: his focus on Suharto means he can't really address the broader forces involved. A final chapter gives an overview of Suharto's personality and legacy. Elson concludes that

The paradoxical legacy of Suharto's rule is that the transformations he tried to contain were a direct if unintended consequence of his efforts at social and economic modernisation.

Suharto's wife and children:
Siti Hartinah "Tien" Suharto (married 1947 till her death in 1996)
1. Siti Hardijanti Hastuti Rukmana "Tutut" (1949- )
2. Sigit Harjojudanto (1951- )
3. Bambang Trihatmodjo (1953- )
4. Siti Hedijati Harjati "Tatiek" (1959- )
5. Hutomo Mandala Putra "Tommy" (1962- )
6. Siti Hutami Endang Adiningsih "Mamiek" (1964- )

Suharto, on the right of General Sudirman, the leader of Indonesian Army in the war of independence. Suharto is a distinguished guerilla leader in the war against the Dutch, leading Brigade X (Pragola) which launched an attack against Dutch-occupied Yogyakarta on 1 March 1949

Lieutenant Colonel Suharto (centre) reporting to the sultan of Yogyakarta before leading the attack on that Dutch-occupied city on 1 March 1949

Major General Suharto earning his parachutist wing in 1962

Suharto on Time Magazine cover in 1966, where he was hailed as the general who saved Indonesia from communism

Sukarno appointed Suharto as acting president, 12 March 1967

Suharto on his first term as president, 1969

Suharto receiving the visit of Australian Prime Minister John Gorton, 1970

Suharto attending UN General Assembly meeting in 1971

Suharto with UN secretary-general U Thant in 1970
Suharto (1921- )

General Suharto, painting made in 1964

Lieutenant-Colonel Untung Samsuri, who led the kidnapping of seven generals in Jakarta on the night of 30 September 1965. All the generals ended up murdered the next day. This bloody night led to chain of events which ended with the destruction of PKI (Indonesian Communist Party) and the replacement of Sukarno with Suharto. Lieut-Col Untung Samsuri was executed by firing squad in 1966

(l-r) Generals Amir Machmud, Basuki Abdullah, and Mohammad Yusuf, who successfully extracted a letter from President Sukarno in Bogor Palace, giving full executive power to General Suharto at 11 March 1966 (Supersemar letter)

Suharto with his children, famous for their raparacious greed and total dedication to the ways of corruption, collusion, and nepotism

Hutomo Mandala Putra "Tommy Soeharto", the youngest and most corrupt son of Suharto. He was so incensed at the judge who dared giving him a guilty verdict for corruption that he hired an assassin to kill the judge. After one year as a fugitive, here Tommy Suharto was arrested just one block away from my house in 2001

Suharto making a speech as the host of APEC summit in Bogor - West Java in 1994. Guests include Bill Clinton, Mahathir Mohammad, Goh Chok Tong, Fidel Ramos, and Paul Keating
Suharto (1921- )

Suharto official portrait in his later years

Madame Siti Hartinah "Tien" Soeharto (1923-1996), Suharto's wife and important political and spiritual aide. The decline of Suharto's political acumen after 1996 is attributed to Madame Tien's death

Madame Tien and Suharto enjoying the view of Victoria Falls, Zimbabwe

Suharto and Madame Tien during a holiday trip to Bali in 1993

Suharto queueing to vote in 1971 elections, an election heavily rigged by Suharto's New Order regime

Suharto voting in the 1977 elections, another heavily-rigged election

Madame Tien voting in the 1982 elections, a heavily-rigged election

Suharto and Madame Tien registering to vote in 1987 elections, a heavily-rigged election

Suharto registering to vote in 1997 elections, the most heavily-rigged elections in New Order history

Prince Willem Alexander van Oranje-Nassau (crown prince of The Netherlands), Prince Bernhard (prince consort of The Netherlands), Queen Beatrix, Suharto, and Madame Tien Suharto in front of Merdeka Palace - Jakarta in 1995
Thanks for all the pics and info purnomor! beerchug.gif I don't think many people our generation know of just how significant Sukarno was as THE statesman of southeast Asia during his time. Indonesia still has the potential to be the strongman of ASEAN, no doubt about that. BTW, I like the photo of Suharto and Ibu Tien at Bali.
Suharto (1921- )

General Leonardus Benjamin Moerdani, a key Suharto ally in the 1970s until falling out with the president in 1989

General Soemitro, an important general who helped Suharto gained power, but fell out of favour after 1974. Soemitro died in 1998

General Ali Murtopo (1924-1984), Suharto's trusted right-hand man who perfected the vote-rigging methods that worked for 32 years, ensuring the New Order regime a stable political support. Ali Murtopo died of a heart attack in 1984

Adam Malik (1917-1984), who as foreign minister successfully acquire foreign support for Suharto's New Order regime. He was the president of UN General Assembly 1971-1972. He died in 1984

Sultan Hamengku Buwono IX (1912-1988) of Yogyakarta, key Suharto ally who was also vice-president from 1971-1978. Suharto has been a good acquintance of the sultan since the war of independence. The sultan died in 1988

Prof Dr Soemitro Djojohadikoesoemo (1917-2001), the Dutch-educated economist was a key economic adviser to Suharto's New Order regime

Prof Widjojo Nitisastro, head of "Berkeley Mafia", a group of economists trained in UCLA-Berkeley, who were key economic operators in Suharto's New Order regime. They mananged to give Indonesia an uninterrupted high economic growth rate for 32 years

Kanjeng Pangeran Haryo Selo Soemardjan (1915-2003), key socio-politics advisor of Suharto. He helped formulate methods to gain public support for the New Order during the 1980s

Sofjan Wanandi (Liem Bien Koen), an ethnic Chinese bussinessman from West Sumatra who helped Suharto formed his clique of ethnic Chinese cronies who became the engine of economic growth for the New Order regime

Jusuf Wanandi (Liem Bien Kie), brother of Sofjan Wanandi, head of CSIS, a think-tank group working for Suharto
QUOTE (malaccan @ Aug 18 2004, 05:10 AM)
Thanks for all the pics and info purnomor!  beerchug.gif I don't think many people our generation know of just how significant Sukarno was as THE statesman of southeast Asia during his time. Indonesia still has the potential to be the strongman of ASEAN, no doubt about that. BTW, I like the photo of Suharto and Ibu Tien at Bali.

Hi malaccan, welcome back! Very glad to see you again! beerchug.gif
Thanks for the pics and infos Purnomor. I must admit that Soeharto is an icredibly smart man. Imagine if he turned up to be a good man, caring about the country as a president, Indonesia would might be one of the strongest country in Asia now. icon_sad.gif
^ yes, unfortunately Suharto chose his remarkably greedy children over his countrymen.. icon_sad.gif

Suharto (1921- )

Sudono Salim alias Liem Sioe Liong (林绍良), born in 1916 in China, Suharto's no 1 crony who owned the Salim group which includes the Indofood and Indomobil groups. Salim knew Suharto since the war of independence, when he smuggled food from Dutch-occupied towns for Suharto's guerillas in the jungles.

Prajogo Pangestu alias Phang Djun Phen, ethnic Chinese businessman and close Suharto crony from West Borneo

Mohammad "Bob" Hasan (Chinese name: The Kian Seng), ethnic Chinese businessman who converted to Islam, a close Suharto crony who became Minister of Trade and Industry for 2 months in 1998. He is now in jail for corruption

Sjamsul Nursalim, alias Liem Tjoen Ho, ethnic Chinese businessman and key Suharto crony. He is a fugitive in Indonesia and now is living in Singapore, who has no extradition treaty with Indonesia

James Tjahaja Riady alias Lie Pai (l) and his father Mochtar Riady alias Lie Mo Tie ( r ), ethnic Chinese businessmen and close Suhato crony. They owned the Lippo Group and Lippo Towers in Hong Kong, while James Riady is famous for his illegal campaign contribution to Bill Clinton in 1996 US election

Tomy Winata, ethnic Chinese businessman and close Suharto crony. Known for his closeness to the military and for his thuggish tactics when facing troublesome journalists

Harry Tjan Silalahi, alias Tjan Tjoen Hok, key Suharto political advisor

Suharto hosting President Gerald Ford and Secretary of State Henry Kissinger in Jakarta, 1975

Suharto welcoming Prime Minister Lee Kuan Yew of Singapore at Jakarta Airport in 1982. Suharto is a close friend of Lee Kuan Yew and Mahathir Mohammad of Malaysia, with whom he share the idea of a tradeoff between political freedom and economic growth and prosperity
Suharto (1921- )

Eka Tjipta Widjaja (Oei Ek Tjhong), ethnic Chinese businessman and close Suharto crony, who establishes Bank Internasional Indonesia (BII). He is now bankrupt

William Soerjadjaja, ethnic Chinese businessmen and close Suharto crony. He is head of the Astra Trading Co, one of the biggest companies in Indonesia.

Marimutu Sinivasan, ethnic Tamil businessman and close Suharto crony. He established the giant textile producer Texmaco, but he misused government bailout money given when Texmaco was on the verge of bankruptcy. He is now under investigation for corruption

Suharto is a very Javanese person, speaking Indonesian as a second language and with heavy Javanese accent. His outlook on life and his characteristics is heavily influenced with Javanese wayang tales of perennial battles for power, an outlook he deeply ingrained in Indonesian people during his 32 years in power.

Suharto chatting with Abdurrahman Wahid, an important religious leader and future president of Indonesia. Wahid and Suharto had a complex relationship alternating from friendly to antagonistic. Wahid, always afraid of Islamic militancy, saw Suharto as a strong figure to stand against militancy. Suharto saw Wahid as an important figure to be co-opted in order to better control the Muslim population under his New Order regime.

Suharto signing IMF Letter of Intent (LoI) under the gaze of cross-armed IMF head, Michel Camdessus. This image shows the humbling of New Order regime by the economic collapse caused by 1997 Asian crisis. For some Indonesians, the sight of the supreme ruler bowing before a foreigner means Suharto had lost his wahyu (divine mandate) to rule Indonesia.

Bacharuddin Jusuf Habibie ( l ) and Suharto ( r ). Habibie who succeeded Suharto, had known each other since 1950, when Suharto was the neighbour of boy Habibie's family in Makassar - South Celebes. Habibie became Minister of Research and Technology under Suharto from 1974-1998, and his vice-president for 2 months in 1998, when Suharto unexpectedly resigned, leaving Habibie as his successor.

After days of rioting in Jakarta that killed 1000 people, Suharto resigned the presidency and Habibie was sworn in as the third president of Indonesia on 21 May 1998

Suharto in the cover of Time Magazine in 1998, just before his resignation
Prof Dr Ing Dr Sc.h.c. Bacharuddin Jusuf Habibie (1936- ), President 1998-1999

Jusef Habibie, born in Parepare - South Sulawesi on 25 June 1936, is one of Suharto's most trusted and longstanding political lieutenants. Suharto has acted as Habibie's patron and sponsor since the 1950s, when he came to know the young man and his family during a military posting to the South Sulawesi.

In 1954 Habibie was given a scholarship by the Ministry of Education and Culture to study aircraft construction engineering in Aachen, Germany. After obtaining a doctorate in 1965, he joined the Hamburger Flugzeugbau (HF) aircraft industry and later the Messerschmitt Boelkow Blohm (MBB) aircraft manufacturer, where he became a vice-president.

In 1974, Suharto asked Habibie to return to Indonesia, and placed him in charge of the strategic state-owned oil company. In 1978, Habibie was appointed Minister of Research and Technology, a post he held until March when he was endorsed as vice-president and the ageing dictator's anointed successor.

In his post as technology minister, Habibie was notorious as an advocate for expensive state-funded economic projects aimed at making Indonesia technologically self-sufficient.

Using his connections with German corporations, he began by assembling Messerschmitt helicopters in a hangar at Bandung. The operation expanded to employ 20,000 workers in making small and medium-sized turboprop aircraft. Ambitious plans were drawn up for an Indonesian-made commercial airliner to rival the US and European aerospace companies.

His other projects included the costly purchase of the entire navy of the former East Germany in the 1990s, and plans for a string of nuclear reactors throughout Java.

Critics point to the high cost of these industries which rely heavily on huge tariff protection and guaranteed sales to the armed forces and national airlines.

When Suharto first indicated earlier this year that Habibie would be vice-president, the rupiah slumped immediately by 20 percent. Habibie's support for protected national industries runs directly counter to the demands of the IMF and global investors for an end to any form of national economic regulation. The IMF has explicitly demanded the removal of the protection and huge state subsidies given to Habibie's aircraft corporation.

With the endorsement of Suharto, Habibie was central to the establishment of the Association of Indonesian Moslem Intellectuals (ICMI) in 1990. The ICMI is a focus for non-Chinese or pribumi businessmen, resentful of the wealth and influence of rich ethnic Chinese families. The association has its own bank and daily newspaper Republika.

Under the Suharto regime, the Habibie family has also amassed its own private business empire, centred around the Timsco Group which is involved in construction, chemicals, engineering, transportation, telecommunications and industrial development.

Habibie's days as vice president were few, however, as the economic troubles that had been festering under Suharto's crony capitalism boiled over just 10 weeks after Habibie's appointment. In May 1998, Suharto resigned after 32 years as undisputed head of state, handing the reins over to Habibie. Though not well equipped for the job by training or experience, Habibie has performed considerably better than most would have expected under the very difficult circumstances prevailing in Indonesia. Very early in his administration he announced that he would not attempt to serve out the rest of Soeharto's term but would move up parliamentary elections from 2002 and presidential elections from 2003 to 1999. This significantly defused charges that his presidency was not legitimate. He ended Soeharto's three-party system and opened the field, with the result that nearly 150 parties were announced. This has been narrowed to 48 by the government. He has also opened the possibility of wide-ranging autonomy or independence for East Timor, freed many political detainees, lifted restrictions on the media, and introduced some economic reforms, which, though sorely needed, have angered some elements of the public.

The MPR was called into session from November 11 to 13, 1998. In a session marred by serious violence and the death of a number of students agitating for Habibie's removal, the assembly took a number of important steps:

1. Amended the MPR internal rules to, inter alia, permit elected representatives of new parties to sit in that body as well as in the parliament and separated the leadership of the two bodies (formerly it had been the same).

2. Limited the president and vice president to a maximum of two five-year terms.

3. Decreed that parliamentary elections should be held in May or June 1999, that all parties meeting the legal requirements would be able to compete, and that appointed military representation in legislative bodies should gradually be reduced in accordance with a law to be enacted later.

4. Provided for the establishment of an independent General Election Commission (Komisi Pemilihan Umum, KPU) to oversee the elections.

Habibie declined to stand again after the national assembly voted not to accept his accountability speech in October 1999.

Habibie's wife and children:
dr Hasri Ainun Habibie (married since 1962)
1. Dr Ing H Ilham Akbar Habibie (1963- )
2. Dipl Ing H Thareq Kemal Habibie (1967- )

Habibie official portrait in 1998

Young Habibie according to the cover of his biography by Makmur Makka

Habibie, the new Minister for Research and Technology, 1974

Minister for Research and Technology BJ Habibie hosting an ASEAN remote sensing conference in Jakarta, 1987

Habibie inspecting a helicopter produced by the Indonesian aeronautics industry, IPTN, his brainchild that later proved to be a money-losing venture that cost Indonesian government dearly

Habibie sworn in as the third president of Indonesia, watched by Suharto, on 21 May 1998 in Merdeka Palace

New president Habibie and his wife Hasri Ainun Habibie touring riot-hit Jakarta Chinatown on May 1998

Habibie's eccentrics and comical demeanour is not something Indonesians are used to see from their presidents

Habibie's presidency met with rejection from many quarters of society, who considered him to close to Suharto, and therefore an impediment to reformation. These students are expressing their disapproval of Habibie
^ Those students were such fools. They almost destroyed their country to get rid of one currupt dictator who was probably going to step down anyway.

To quote Mahathir
While oppressive authoritarian rule and corruption must be avoided, firm and strong Governments must be allowed to govern and to develop their countries. The idea that a country is not democratic unless disruptive forces are allowed to threaten peace and stability must be rejected. The essence of democracy should be Government by representatives elected by a majority of the people. Liberalism which permits the individual or minority rights to negate the rights of the majority need not be regarded as an essential part of democracy. Freedom cannot be absolute whether it be in the area of human rights or free speech or free press. Freedom of the press should not include freedom to tell lies and instigate violence. Harsh perhaps but to believe that people should accept being maimed and killed because other people are exercising their democratic freedom is to negate reality in the interest of the ideal.

The idea that a "good" system which produces bad results is better than a "bad" system which produces good results should be re-examined.

No wonder Golkar was elected as the largest party in the elections.
No man student is part of indonesian politics life, student who the one kidnapped and asked Soekarno to proclaim independent from dutch.
student have given a lot of pressure make Soekarno down.
student whose pressure factor make Soeharto stepping down.
they are not fool without them there will be no country called Indonesia.

they will do it again if the president too much way off the line.
^ it's true students always plays an important role in Indonesian history, but they often went over the top, like asking for the abolition of DPR/MPR in 1999 without any concrete idea what to replace it with.
Moreover, nowadays student movement had been compromised and many students organisations are just fronts for certain political interests wanting to use students' name in achieving their intentions
Prof Dr Ing Dr Sc.h.c. Bacharuddin Jusuf Habibie (1936- ), President 1998-1999

One of the achievements of Habibie is the 1999 elections, the first democratic election in Indonesia since 1955, which provided the crucial first step towards the establishment of Indonesian democracy. Here Habibie is registering to vote with his wife in the 1999 elections

Habibie and his backer, military chief General Wiranto, who prevented an attempted coup d'etat by Suharto's son-in-law General Prabowo Subianto on 22 May 1998

One of Habibie's most momentous decisions is to gave a referendum on independence to East Timor. He considered the province "a barren wasteland who gives Indonesia nothing but rocks" and therefore not worth the effort to keep it inside Indonesia. Here Habibie is meeting UNHCR head Mary Robinson discussing East Timor situation

Habibie accepting the result of the referendum which gave independence to East Timor

Habibie was censured by the parliament on October 1999. His subsequent attempt to secure presidential candidacy was frustrated by betrayal of Akbar Tanjung. Habibie then decided not to run again for president

Golkar party chief Akbar Tandjung, who destroyed Habibie's chances of second term as president when he shifted support to Abdurrahman Wahid.

After finishing his presidency on October 1999, Habibie established The Habibie Center for the development of Indonesian democracy. He also grew a moustache

President Abdurrahman Wahid inaugurating The Habibie Centre on May 2000

Habibie and Ainun Habibie with President Megawati Sukarnoputri on March 2003
purnomor if you were not telling us the moustache guy on the picture is Habibie. I would get lost.
He is more good looking with that moustache.
Where is Pak Habibie now?

Last news I heard, he stayed in Germany to accompany his wife due to her poor health of which need constant care from german doctors.
KH Abdurrahman Wahid "Gus Dur" (1940- ), President 1999-2001

Many say there's little hope the 61-year-old Muslim cleric will remain Indonesia's president much longer. Since winning election in October of 1999, Wahid has been damaged by two financial scandals, continuing ethnic violence, and a floundering economy.
The financial scandals -- in which Wahid is accused of misusing over $6 million -- led to two parlimentary censure motions and an impeachment hearing, originally due to begin August 1. A growing power struggle between Wahid and opposition leaders have moved those proceedings to July 21.

If Wahid is removed from office, popular vice president Megawati Sukarnoputri -- the daughter of Indonesia's founding President Sukarno and Wahid's main rival for the presidency in 1999 -- would finish out Wahid's term until new elections are held in 2004.

Wahid has ignored calls to resign and has threatened to declare a state of emergency and dissolve parliament. Members of parliament have said any such move would only speed up impeachment proceedings. Officials from Indonesia's police force have said they, too, would not comply with a state of emergency decree.

As recently as May 16, Wahid said his situation was not as dire as others might believe.

"I am not worried. The majority of the members of parliament don't like the [idea of] impeachment," he recently told The Washington Post. "If they decide to go ahead with it, the people will rise up. There are ways to make parliament negotiate with the president."

Meanwhile, legislators like Amien Rais, speaker of the 700-member parliament that will decide whether to remove Wahid, have said the president's days are numbered.

"Unfortunately, he has lost the trust of the people and we must say enough is enough," Rais told CNN. "Only a miracle can help him."
Melding politics and religion
Frail and nearly blind following two strokes, Wahid is guided by an aide at all times and has had several speeches read for him by his staff.

Nonetheless, those seeking to oust the president have found, despite his ill health, Wahid enjoys tremendous support. Indeed, each step against him in the parliament building has sparked a backlash in Indonesia's streets.

Thousands protested in both Jakarta, Indonesia's capital, and Wahid's home region of East Java after the parliament announced impeachment hearings. Similar demonstrations followed censure motions earlier this year.

Wahid has warned that his ouster could lead to a more violent response from his followers -- some of whom have reportedly formed suicide squads to protect "Gus Dur" -- a nickname for Wahid, meaning "brother Dur."

To the nearly 30 million members of Nahdlatul Ulama -- the world's largest Muslim organization, led by Wahid until his 1999 election -- Wahid is more than just a head of state -- he is a religious icon.

"We can't predict what will happen if Gus Dur falls. It will be hard to control [his followers]," said Muslim cleric Gus Ipong, a religious leader in East Java, in an interview with Reuters last month.

"We're just little people," said another resident, "but we love Gus Dur. He was legally elected and the moves to make him fall are wrong."
Decades of activism
Before his health problems became serious, Wahid worked for years promoting religious and ethnic tolerance and opposing Indonesia's dictatorial system.

Born in East Java in 1940, Wahid studied in Cairo, Baghdad and Canada and later taught at several Indonesian universities and Islamic schools.

He was elected general chairman of the Nahdlatul Ulama in 1984, a position he held for 15 years. While there, Wahid fought against the government of President Suharto and, in 1991, formed Forum Democracy, an organization to promote political freedom in Indonesia.

When Suharto's government fell amid massive protests in 1998, Wahid was recovering from a serious stroke. He returned to politics in 1999, forming the National Awakening Party in preparation for parliamentary elections in June -- Indonesia's first free election in 44 years.

Wahid initially supported Megawati's presidential bid to oust sitting President B.J. Habibie. Finally, as the assembly's October vote grew closer, Wahid threw his own hat into the ring.
A dark horse victory 
After 14 hours of debate in the assembly, Wahid managed a thin victory over Megawati by a vote of 373 to 313.
Wahid's Muslim-based National Awakening Party had only polled 11 percent in parliamentary elections that June, falling far behind the 34 percent garnered by Megawati's Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle. But living up to his reputation as a shrewd politician, Wahid won support from the Golkar Party, the party of former President Suharto.

In the months before the assembly's decision, Megawati's seemed poised to unseat Habibie, who was struggling with a failing economy and the loss of East Timor. As the assembly was poised to choose the next leader, Habibie dropped out of the race.

Megawati, who had been widely expected to win the presidency, accepted Wahid's offer to become his vice president following her defeat, ending days of rioting by her supporters.

Although few questioned Wahid's popularity, there were some who worried the task of leading a country of nearly 225 million people on more than 13,000 islands was more than the frail Wahid could handle.

"Gus Dur is strange, strange," Sarwono Kusumaatmadja, a former cabinet minister, told the New York Times during the campaign. "In no way should he stand as a candidate. He is in ill health. He suffered a major stroke one and a half years ago. It has impaired his judgment and he is showing that."

Gus Dur's wife and children:
Sinta Nuriyah Abdurrahman Wahid (married 1963- )
1. Alisa Qotrunada Munawarrah Rahman "Lisa" (1972- )
2. Zannuba Arifah Chafsoh "Yenny" (1974- )
3. Anita Hayyatunnufus Rahman (1977- )
3. Inayah Wulandari (1982- )

Gus Dur and Sinta Nuriyah arranged marriage, just before Gus Dur departs for his religious studies in Al-Azhar University, Cairo in 1963. From 1966-1970, Gus Dur studied in Baghdad University, Iraq. He returned to Indonesia in 1971

Gus Dur in 1970s

Gus Dur official portrait, 1999. He went blind after a series of strokes in 1970s and 1980s

Due to his decision to repeal all discriminatory laws against Chinese-Indonesians in 2000, Gus Dur was named the "Father of Chinese-Indonesians" in Tay Kek Sie Temple - Semarang, 2004

Gus Dur declaring state of emergency and decreed for the abolishment of Parliament after the body started impeachment hearings on him in 2001

Gus Dur comforted by his daughter Yenny after he realised he cannot escape impeachment on 25 July 2001

Soldiers praying on Freedom Square after pointing their tank turrets to the Merdeka Palace, symbolising the military no longer backs Gus Dur

Gus Dur, accompanied by a few loyal supporters, just before he was transported out of Merdeka Palace after being impeached

Gus Dur escorted out of Merdeka Palace on 26 July 2001
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