A Critical Analysis of the Political and Historical Aspects of the Tibet Question
The region of Xizang, known in the West as Tibet has long been an object of fantasy and imagination for many Westerners. Before the 19th century, few Europeans had ever heard of the region. Even when more detailed explorations of the region began, much of Tibet remained, in the minds of the explorers, an uncharted region lying between China and the Himalayas. A popular image of Tibet was promulgated by James Hilton’s 1933 novel, Lost Horizon, which associated Tibet with the Buddhist ideal of Shangri-La, a place of earthly perfection according to Buddhist texts.
In the latter half of the twentieth century, there arose an important question regarding the political status of Tibet, and its relationship to its larger neighbor, the People’s Republic of China. This dilemma, often called the “Tibet Question,” cast doubt on the People’s Republic of China’s right to rule in Tibet, in the face of Mao’s harsh ruling policies. In a few words, it became “the long-standing conflict over the political status of Tibet in relation to China…a conflict about nationalism – an emotion-laden debate over whether political units should be directly parallel units” (Goldstein, ix).
Today, the Tibet Question has grown to occupy a place of great significance and importance of today’s politics. The topic is regularly addressed in parliaments and congresses around the world, as well as in the UN, and by many ordinary people. According to Goldstein, it now “resonates through the American political landscape, and has become a significant irritant in Sino-American relations” (ix).
Needless to say, the whole world has long anticipated a territorially and politically safe solution to the Tibet Question. Another important factor in the study of this question is that of the historical relationship between China and Tibet, which as we shall see in the following pages, plays an important view in the perspectives of both sides. Equally important is the issue of human rights in the region. However, considering the overall political and historical status of what is currently known as the “Tibetan Autonomous Region,” the interests of both the ethnic Tibetans living in China as well as the Chinese nation as a whole will be best served if the Tibetan Autonomous Region maintains its status quo as an autonomous part of the People’s Republic of China.
There has been much insistence by both those Tibetans and Chinese that support unification that Tibetans are part of the greater “Chinese family,” and there may be some truth to this. Linguistically, the several dialects of the Tibetan spoken language share a genetic relationship with the Chinese dialects under the Sino-Tibetan family. Furthermore, anthropologists have proven that that modern Tibetans are “descendants of Mongoloid people,” signifying that the Tibetans developed from the same roots as did the Han Chinese. Genetic analyses through mitochondrial-DNA testing and haplotype frequency testing also confirm the results of these physical anthropological studies. Therefore, in prehistoric times, it can safely be said that Tibetans were definitely relatives of the Chinese.
Culturally, too, Tibetans initially possessed many links to the Han Chinese. The Neolithic Era witnessed a hitherto unrivaled growth of a mainstream Chinese culture. During the time from 5000 B.C. to 3000 B.C., the Yellow River valley became the epicenter of China's cultural explosion, and the Chinese witnessed a Renaissance unrivaled by past cultural developments. Minority groups across China eventually assimilated into the culture of the Yellow River valley. Later excavations relating to the early culture of Tibet show a strong coincidence with the Yellow Valley culture. Evidence has shown that the first signs of cultural divergence began around 2000 BC, when Tibetic peoples first came into contact with Central Asian peoples, from whom they adopted a semi-nomadic lifestyle, as well as aspects of an animistic religion. This animism, which eventually came to be known as Bon, would occupy the Tibetan way of life for over 18 centuries, until the importation of Buddhism from China.
The first records of contact between the Han and Tibetans occurred during the Han date to the time of the Han dynasty, when people of the two ethnicities met via trade routes with India and Rome. However, the political histories mention little of these people except for their physical appearance, and the fact that, because of their religion, which involved frequent human sacrifices, that they seemed “barbaric.” Also, records from the Han dynasty show that the Tibetans had nearly no government, as they were a nomadic people. In fact, there was much tribal warfare which was waged between rival clans of Tibetans. Nonetheless, there is no evidence that the Tibetan people were ruled by any foreign power during this time.
During China’s Tang Dynasty, (617-907 A.D.) however, Tibet had become a rather large nation in the western part of East Asia. For the first time, all of Tibet had been unified under King Songsten Gampo. Another important event in the course of Sino-Tibetan relations took place during this time. In order to solidify relationships between the China and Tibet, the Tang emperor Taizong gave daughter, Princess Wenzheng to him in marriage. As Wenzheng was a Buddhist, as many of the Tang royal family were, Buddhism entered Tibet mainly through her influence. Even today, there are many statues of Princess Wenzheng all over Tibet, reminding people of the Chinese origins of Buddhism. Eventually, Buddhism would replace the old animistic religion of Bon, lead to the creation of a theocratic elite known as the lamas, and pave the road for further relations between the two countries.
During the Yuan dynasty, Tibet became incorporated into China, under the leadership of Genghis Khan. Genghis Khan showed a tremendous interest in learning Buddhism, and the Tibetan lamas were willing to instruct the Mongols. Because of this, the priest-patron relationship (known in Tibetan as yon-bdag ) was born. The basis of this relationship was that the Chinese emperors would offer Tibetans military protection, as well as sponsor monasteries, and by doing so, would become a “meritorious patron” (Tibetan: yon-bdag bsod-nams can) In return, the lamas would perform certain Buddhist rites for the Chinese emperors, and also grant Chinese officials authority in Tibet, including the right to tax Tibetans and conscript them for the Chinese army. This system would continue to be used until the fall of the Qing dynasty in 1911. As one can clearly see the priest-patron ideology may have been the source of the dispute over the Tibet question. While the Chinese emperors did possess a de jure authority over Tibet, and the ruling lamas recognized this fact, some ordinary Tibetans, as well as some of the more conservative clergy within the Buddhist monasteries did not. Furthermore, the priest-patron relationship created a Chinese presence in Tibet, which resembled, at most, an autonomous or colonial government.
The next critical phase of Sino-Tibetan relations stretches from the late the 19th century, and extends over a fifty years, into the middle of the 20th. This time period is of importance to our study because for the first time, there was a mediator, British India, between Chinese and Tibetan authorities. With the presence of the British, there would be a number of treaties signed involving the three parties, which should play an important role in deciding the fate of Tibet. Also, as we shall see, because of the decline of the Qing dynasty, it was the first time since the Yuan dynasty that Chinese authority (in the context of the priest-patron relationship) had been questioned.
In 1899 Lord Curzon took the position of the Viceroy of India. Due to China’s weakened political status at the time, Curzon saw the opportunity to use Tibet as a buffer state between his British India and Imperial China. However, Tibetan officials refused to negotiate directly with the British, and the Chinese officials also refused to allow the British to enter Tibet. Although the Anglo-Chinese Convention of 1904 was ultimately drawn in favor o British trade interests, and was not approved by either Tibetans or Chinese, the convention of 1904 eventually recognized Tibet as a part of Chinese territory. As Goldstein explains, “when China was unable to exercise real power in Tibet, Britain unilaterally reaffirmed Tibet’s political subordination to China” (Goldstein, 26). The next year, an Anglo-Russian agreement further confirmed the status of Tibet as a province of China, clearly stating “In conformity with the admitted principle of the suzerainity of China over Thibet [Tibet], Great Brittan and Russia engage not to enter into negotiations with Thibet except through the intermediary of the Chinese government.” (Goldstein, 26).
On February 12, 1912, the Qing dynasty fell and was replaced by the Republic of China, controlled by the Chinese Republicans, also known as the Guomingdang (Kuomingtang, or KMT). Under the presidency of Yuan Shikai, the Republic of China participated in the Simla Conference of 1913. By this time, there had been increasing pressure from London to separate Tibet from China. The Simla Conference, which like its predecessor, the Anglo-Chinese convention of 1904, had little acceptance from either Tibetans or Chinese, making it null and void.
The Republican Chinese government was again uprooted in 1948, when the Communists defeated them in the Civil War. Shortly following the establishment of the Communist Party in China, Chairman Mao Zedong included, among the top priorities for the People’s Republic of China, to liberate Tibet. However, Mao realized the uniqueness of the Tibet situation. In Xinjiang, another minority region of China, there were a considerable number of Han Chinese. Moreover, Xinjiang had been under the direct rule of China since the 100s A.D., and was legally considered to be a part of China under the Republicans. Tibet, however, had enjoyed a relative state of autonomy during the last years of the Qing dynasty. Also, there were few Han Chinese in Tibet, aside from government officials whose job it was to mediate with Western politicians on behalf of the Tibetan government. Because of Tibet’s unique situation, Mao opted for a more what came to be known as a “gradualist” approach. He realized that in order for Tibet to be “liberated,” the Tibetans first had to gain trust in the Communist Chinese presence there. At the 5th Plenary Session of the Committee on Minority Welfare, the policy on Tibet was enumerated as follows:
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“It should be the goal of the Chinese Communist Party to provide all peoples living within the borders of the People’s Republic of China with the full benefit of socialist modernization as set forth in the programmes of the People’s Congress”
With specific regard to Tibet, the policy states that the “socialist modernization will be carried out with as little effect on the Tibetan culture and customs as possible”. When Chinese officials later entered Tibet, they were ordered to respect the Tibetan lifestyle.
Perhaps the most important document of the Tibet Question is the 17-Point Agreement that was signed on the 23rd of May, 1951. Representing the People's Republic of China were Li Weihan, Zhang Jinwu, Zhang Guohua and Sun Zhiyuan. Representing Tibet were Ngabo Ngawang Jigme, Khame Sonam Wangdu, Lhawutara Thubpten Tenther, Thupten Lekmon and Sampho Tenzin Duhundup. This agreement stated that although Tibet would be under the government of China, that the "central authorities will not alter the existing political system in Tibet". The Seventeen-Point Agreement also contained clauses which ensured that "the religious belies, customs, and habits of the Tibetan people shall be respected". Thus, the most recent, as well as most valid document detailing the relationship between China and Tibet supports the union of China and Tibet.
Of a particular concern to many politicians is the condition of human rights in Tibet. While it is impossible to deny that huge transgressions against the Tibetans were committed in the early years under the Communist leadership, it should also be noted that many improvements have taken place since that time. For example, the rights of the common man have improved greatly since 1950. Before 1950, the social system in Tibet was very similar to that of the feudalist theocracy that existed in Europe during the medieval times. As with Europe, the majority of people were serfs, bound to the land, which was controlled by the Lamaist monasteries. Because of the nature of Lamaism, social mobility for serfs was very limited. One Tibetan, Dawa Norbu recalls that up until 1950, the laws of Tibet were often very harsh:
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"The fourth clause places black deeds in order of descending seriousness... Punishments for such crimes could be 'taking out eyeballs; amputation of a toungue or hand; throwing the criminal alive into water or from a precipice."
Ever since the PRC has been involved in modernization efforts in Tibet, there has been an increase in the quality of life for all Tibetans. According to recent statistics, "in recent years, the regional government accelerated programs to eliminate illiteracy and support the poor with science and technology. The illiteracy rate has dropped below 30 percent from 95 percent in 1951”. Furthermore, the Chinese government is now taking steps to assist the Tibetans in rebuilding what was destroyed during the Cultural Revolution. According to information provided by the Chinese Embassy,
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“before the recent investment of 333.3 million yuan, China had invested more than 300 million Yuan (about 36.1 million US dollars) specially for the cultural relics of Tibet. As a result of the early efforts, many famous historical and cultural relics, such as the Samye Tomple, the oldest temple in Tibet, the Xhaxilkunbo Temple, the temple where the Panchen Lama lives, and the Jokhan Temple and the Shalu have been restored.”
There has also been a concerted effort on the part of the Chinese government to promote secular and contemporary culture. In the past, Tibetan art and was highly linked with archaic forms of temple art. Literature, except for manuscripts relating to the Buddhist faith and some historical records, were almost non-existent. Today, Tibetan culture has not died out, but is flourishing as never before, and has earned a place of prestige in the world:
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“Now that serfs can become authors, many new writers are producing works of great quality; persons such as the poet Yedam Tsering and the fiction writers Jampel Gyatso, Tashi Dawa, and Dondru Wangbun
As for art, Tibet for centuries had produced nothing but repetitious religious designs for temples. Now there are many fine artists, such as Bama Tashi, who has been hailed in both France and Canada as a great modern artist who combines Tibetan religious themes with modern pastoral images.”
As for art, Tibet for centuries had produced nothing but repetitious religious designs for temples. Now there are many fine artists, such as Bama Tashi, who has been hailed in both France and Canada as a great modern artist who combines Tibetan religious themes with modern pastoral images.”
It is clear that although the PRC at times has been overly harsh with enforcing its policies in Tibet, the overall effect has been positive. Although some traditional culture has been lost due to moderation, this has been a small sacrifice compared to the more modern society, which the Chinese presence has brought. It is the hope of the Chinese government that Tibetans will become more comfortable with modernization in the future, and eventually take a place in the world community.
Thus far, we have concluded that it is historically as well as economically sound for Tibetans to maintain their status quo in relationship to China. Presently, we shall discuss the political issues relating to the Tibet Question.
Throughout Chinese history, historians have realized that there were many types of peoples living throughout China. Many famous figures of Chinese history were of “minority” descent. Zheng He, a famous naval admiral of the 13th century, for example, was a Muslim who supposedly had Persian blood. By the 20th century, Sun Yixian (Sun Yat-Sen) had proposed a policy for greater unity within China, called the “Unity of the Five Races.” These five races included the Han, Manchu, Mongol, Hui, and Tibetan peoples. Thus, a historical as well as modern perspective of being “Chinese” is roughly similar to the designation of one being a “Roman” during Roman times. For the most part, being “Chinese” is a cultural or political designation, rather than one defined by racial characterisitic. One author writes, “Sinicized foreigners serve to reflect the Middle Kingdom’s cultural supremacy, Thus “Chineseness” is an inclusive identity based upon acculturation to orthodox ideals”. The People’s Republic of China’s policy towards minorities reflects this idea.
Drawing from the ideal of political unity, the secession of Tibet could prompt other splittist movements elsewhere in China. Conversely, the area known as “ethnographic Tibet” is not simply limited to Chinese borders. Tibetan populations exist in India, Nepal, Bhutan, and other countries bordering the Himalayan Mountains. A splittist movement in Tibet may lead to similar movements among Tibetans in other countries. Furthermore, their secession could prompt other minority groups, such as the Uighurs to secede from China as well. With so many political upheavals, the current balance of power in that region would be very difficult to keep.
Another problem with the idea of Tibetan independence is the fact that there are regions in the Tibetan Autonomous Region, which China is disputing with India. Should Tibet become independent, it will be impossible for the Tibetan nation to cope with an armed attack against their territory. Furthermore, as China and India become increasingly powerful nations, with an increasing importance in the world’s economy, the India-China border will be an important border to maintain.
Perhaps the most important issue of the Tibet question is that it will set a precedent on the balance of self-determination and national integrity. Goldstein explains that:
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“Whereas article 1 (section 2) states that the purpose of the UN is to ensure ‘friendly relations among nations on respect for the principles of equal rights and self determination,’ article 2 (section 7) states that ‘nothing contained in the present Charter shall authorize the United Nations to intervene in matters which are essentially within the domestic jurisdiction of any state”
Only by recognizing Chinese sovereignty with Tibetan autonomy can both articles of the UN charter be fulfilled adequately.
In conclusion, Chinese sovereignty with Tibetan autonomy is most likely the best way that Chinese and Tibetans can enjoy a prosperous and happy future. This is based upon two letters which the Dalai Lama had sent: one to Deng Xiaoping in 1983, and one to Jiang Zemin in 1992. In the former, the Dalai Lama indicates:
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“I agree with…the ideology which seeks the well-being of human beings in general and the proletariat in particular, and in Lenin’s policy of the equality of the nationalities. Similarly, I was pleased with the discussions I had with Chairman Mao on ideology and the policy towards Nationalities”
The Dalai Lama has clearly indicated here that he has an outspoken
admiration to work within the system of the People’s Republic of China. In return, it is only appropriate that the Chinese need to recognize the Dalai Lama’s historical authority in Tibet. The Dalai Lama has also indicated in a letter to Jiang Zemin that he does not wish to secede:
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“Mr. Ding Guangren also said that, in the Chinese government’s view, ‘the Dalai Lama is continuing with independence activities;.’ This position, repeatedly stated in the past by the Chinese leadership shows that the Chinese leadership still does not understand my ideas regarding the Tibetan-Chinese relationship.”
I believe that the Tibetan-Chinese relationship that the Dalai Lama refers to in his letter is one of mutual trust and understanding based upon the traditional priest-patron ideology. Because of this China should be more concerned about the welfare of Tibetans and their culture. Lastly, I believe that the United States, as a world power, should act in their capacity as a world power to conduct negotiations between China and the Dalai Lama’s envoys, and serve as a neutral moderator in such negotiations. As Bush stated in a report to Congress on Tibet Negotiations delivered May 7, 2003:
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“[the plan of] the President and the Secretary [is] to encourage the Government of the People’s Republic of China to enter into dialogue with the Dalai Lama or his representatives leading to a negotiated agreement on Tibet.”
If the US, Tibet, and China are willing to cooperate to negotiate the terms for the well-being of Tibetans and Chinese, there will be no obstacle in obtaining a bright and prosperous future that is entitled to all parties involved.
