http://www.asiantribune.com/index.php?q=node/1821
The World Out There
Sun, 2006-09-03 12:17
By Tisaranee Gunasekara
"Stupidity has come back as a king – no; as an emperor, as a divine Führer of all Aryans."
Aldous Huxley (Eyeless in Gaza)
An avalanche, it is said, begins with a few small snowballs. In Sri Lanka those first few snowballs, presaging a future avalanche, are already in evidence. There is the growing disaffection in Tamil Nadu, fed by the daily influx of Tamil refugees and by attacks such as Vallipunam. There is the growing disaffection in Delhi, concerned about the impact of the Fourth Eelam War on Tamil Nadu and about the 'Pakistan factor'. There is the growing disaffection in Western capitals and at the UN about the execution style killing of 17 aid workers and the absence of any discernible, verifiable progress in the inquiry. Even taken separately these developments do not bode well for Sri Lanka; taken together they indicate the possibility of an adverse change in Indian and international opinion, impacting on our chances of overcoming the Tiger challenge.
There is a lesson for us in the LTTE’s fall from grace. In the early, heady months of the Third Peace Process, the world, with the exception of a few countries, was the Tiger’s oyster. The LTTE was welcomed, feted, listened to and treated as an unofficial government in many of the world’s capitals. However a time bomb was ticking away, a time bomb created by the Tigers’ refusal to act in accordance with internationally accepted norms. That time bomb was the issue of child conscription.
When the UTHR and INGOs such as the Human Rights Watch and the Amnesty International accused the LTTE of conscripting children, the LTTE alternately dismissed the charges or promised to release the child soldiers into the custody of the UNICEF. The Tigers, unwilling to give up a practice they considered essential for their war effort, were merely trying to circumvent the problem.
However for a long time the international community opted to give the LTTE the benefit of the doubt. If the LTTE acted on its promise, the EU and the Canadian bans may not have happened (in which case Tiger operatives such as the now notorious 'Waterloo Suresh' would still be free to purchase sophisticated military hardware and software). But the Tigers continued to conscript children and thought that denials or releasing a few child soldiers now and then would suffice to satisfy the international community. They were not, as the LTTE found out the hard way.
The lesson is clear. International public opinion cannot be flouted with impunity.
There are exceptions to this rule, but the LTTE turned out not to be one of these.
Incidentally, nor is Sri Lanka. We can ignore or take lightly the concerns of the international community about extra judicial killings and the use of excessive force, but only for a limited time period. If we continue along that path, if human rights violations continue to occur, then we will find ourselves in the company of the LTTE, marginalised and scorned. Such an outcome would hurt us far more than it would hurt the LTTE, because we have an economy to manage and a people to feed.
Already a credibility gap is discernible. Every time Sri Lanka is accused of some human rights violation, the regime comes up with strongly worded counters, entirely to its own satisfaction. Unfortunately the world, the real target audience, seems somewhat sceptical about our denials, explanations, excuses. This credibility gap probably began with the killing of the five students in Trincomalee in January 2006. The government claimed that these were Tiger supporters who died when the bomb they were bringing to throw at the army exploded. At first this story was generally believed, because it accorded with the Tigers’ favoured modus operandi of that period. Then came the post-mortem findings by a courageous Sinhalese DMO (Dr. Gamini Gunatunga) revealing that all five students died of gun shot wounds. This silly attempt at covering up dented the credibility of the government and made it clear that the killers were members of the Lankan Forces. Ever since then, whenever the regime denies the responsibility for any extra judicial killing, these denials are taken by the outside world with a pinch of salt.
Tamil Nadu, Delhi and Islamabad
A recent statement by the Indian Foreign Secretary, Shyam Saran, provides us with an excellent bird’s eye view of the Indian position on Sri Lanka (and the concerns which go to determine that stand). According to a PTI report (Aug. 28th) Mr. Saran maintained that "India does not support the issue of a separate (Tamil) state being carved of Sri Lanka" and that "India is committed to territorial integrity and sovereignty of (Sri Lanka)"; India believes that "the ethnic issue should be resolved within the framework of a united Sri Lanka". Mr. Saran also stated that "New Delhi did not consider the Tigers as the "sole champion" of aspirations of Tamil people". He then went on to explain why India is unhappy with the present situation in Sri Lanka - "because as soon as there is an armed conflict or any hostility, a large number of Tamil-speaking people try to take shelter (in India)". India cannot be insensible to the plight of the ordinary Tamils caught in the war, in her own interests.
So long as Vellupillai Pirapaharan remains the leader of the LTTE India will not recognise the LTTE or support the LTTE, openly. But Delhi cannot ignore the concerns of Tamil Nadu either and risk political turmoil there. According to recent reports around 1000 Sri Lankan Tamils are braving the seas to come to Tamil Nadu everyday, seeking refuge from the ongoing war. This would naturally be a matter of concern for Chennai and Delhi, both politically and financially (since these refugees have to be taken care of). Incidents such as Vallipunam, if they proliferate, will cause a complete change in the political and public opinion in Tamil Nadu against Sri Lanka, a change which will inevitably work in favour of the Tigers.
From the beginning of the Eelam Wars, Pakistan has been an ally of Sri Lanka. Our increased dependence on Pakistan is necessary, given the refusal by Delhi to sign the proposed Defence Pact. However, at the same time, we have to understand that this special relationship would come at a price. India is inimical to the Tigers; but she is far more inimical to Pakistan. Indian concerns about Pakistan far outweigh Indian concerns about the LTTE. India would not want a separate Tamil state, (especially a state run by the Tigers) on her doorstep; still less would she want on her doorstep a Sri Lanka that is allied with Pakistan. After all, Pakistan is modern India’s First enemy; India fought one war with the Tigers and three with Pakistan.
India’s ‘dog in the manger’ attitude is unfair and wrong; but it is also a fact of life we can ignore only at our own peril. Given this context it is unfortunate that Pakistan High Commissioner, Bashir Wali Mohommed, accused the Indian RAW of targeting him (at the same time explicitly clearing the Tigers of blame). Such un-diplomatic utterances would give credence to the theory that increased relations between Islamabad and Colombo are a threat to Indian national security interests. If this perception gains the upper hand, Delhi may well turn a blind eye to Tamil Nadu permitting the Tigers to treat that state (once again) as a rear base in its war with the Lankan forces. (Incidentally the appointment of Sivasankar Meonon, a former High Commissioner to both Pakistan and Sri Lanka and a former Ambassador to China as the new Foreign Secretary too may be of relevance). The last thing we need is India and Pakistan fighting a proxy war in Sri Lanka (as the US and Israel are doing in Lebanon against Iran and Syria).
We are familiar with the occasional attempts by the JHU (and JHU types) to identify the Eelam wars as a Catholic conspiracy against Buddhist Sri Lanka. Obviously this religious fundamentalist world view is not limited to the JHU.
According to latest reports some Hindu fundamentalist organisations in India are attempting to portray the Eelam war as a conflict between Buddhists and Hindus.
"As tension in Sri Lanka escalates, a few Hindu organisations in Tamil Nadu are trying to give a religious twist to the 'Eelam cause'. The Federation of Hindu Organisations (FHO) is in touch with Shiv Sena leader Bal Thackeray and Vishwa Hindu Parishad’s Ashok Singhal to form an umbrella organisation for a nation-wide campaign for a separate Hindu nation to be carved out of Sri Lanka" (DNA India – 30.8.2006). Incidentally the FHO organised the protest in front of the Sri Lankan deputy high commission in Chennai and according to its convenor Arjun Sampath "The Tamil- Singhalese division in Sri Lanka is misconstrued as one on language lines. Actually it is a Hindu- Buddhist divide… Indian government should militarily intervene in Sri Lanka for the creation of a separate Hindu Eelam, which will be beneficial for India," (ibid). Mad, but dangerous, like the JHU.
International Opinion and National Policies
The SLMM has blamed the Lankan Forces for the aid workers’ massacre. The SLMM’s partiality for the Tigers is beyond doubt. Unfortunately the UTHR, with its impeccable anti-Tiger credentials, has also indicated in its latest report that the Lankan Forces were responsible for this atrocity. Already both the UN and the ICRC has put Sri Lanka on notice about the safety of their operatives (and other INGO workers) in Sri Lanka. The extent of the problem can be understood by the fact Prof. Dennis McNamara, a UN coordinator for internally displaced persons, is being sent here by the UN Secretary General to look into the problems faced by humanitarian workers in Sri Lanka.
The killing of the 17 aid workers has been identified as one of the worst attacks against humanitarian workers in the world. It is a serious problem that can neither be wished away nor solved by denials. The fact that the killing came in the midst of an ill-targeted, ill-judged and uncouth politico-propaganda campaign by Sinhala supremacist elements against all INGOs (branding them as Tiger agents) would have made matters worse for Sri Lanka. Incidentally it is thanks to INGOs such as the Human Rights Watch and the AI that the EU and Canada banned the Tigers. The lunacy of this hate campaign against all INGOs can best be understood by the fact that some of these Sinhala supremacist elements opposed the appointment of Ketheswaran Loganathan as the Deputy Secretary of the SCOPP, charging him of being an INGO agent and thus a Tiger supporter.
International opinions should not determine national policies. But in forming national policies we cannot ignore international opinions either. The war against the Tigers has to be fought. That is not negotiable. What should be changed is the nature of that war. The government should adopt and strictly implement a policy banning the targeting of civilian Tamils for any reason whatsoever.
If such incidents occur speedy and transparent investigations have to be conducted and the guilty punished. In military operations it would make sense to abide by the 1977 Additional Protocol to the Geneva Convention based on the principle of proportionality: "An attack which may be expected to cause incidental loss of civilian life, injury to civilians, damage to civilian objects, or a combination thereof, which would be excessive in relation to the concrete and direct military advantage anticipated". This would help us to avoid disasters such as Vallipunam. But most important of all, the government must come up with a political solution to the ethnic problem. It may not be possible to implement such a solution immediately, but if a power sharing arrangement is available, it can be used to convince the international community that the war is not an attempt to solve the ethnic problem through military means but an attempt to defeat Tiger terror through military means.
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pure people of sri lanka..
first a war, then tsunami and now a war against..
